Saint Joan of Arc

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by Vita Sackville-West


  V

  In saying that she possessed no especial qualifications it is necessary to make one important exception: she did possess the power to accomplish what she had undertaken. Her courage and conviction were superhuman. They were of the quality which admits no doubt and recognises no obstacle. Her own absolute faith was the secret of her strength. This is not at all the same thing as claiming for her that she was a great military genius, as even that cautious and experienced commander Marshal Foch has claimed. Her good sense we may freely acknowledge, and her gift, which Foch has pointed out, ‘of dealing with the situation as each new day presented it’; but, if we are to claim genius for her at all, we must be more comprehensive and less specific: we must grant her the genius of personality. No easier to define than charm or beauty, in Jeanne’s case we can come somewhere near a definition by saying that this all-pervading forcefulness sprang from the intensity of her inner persuasions. This it is, as I have insisted in the foregoing pages, which raised her psychological value as a leader so far above her tactical or strategical value. It was her single-mindedness which enabled her to inspire disheartened men and to bend reluctant princes to her will.

  Appendix A

  A MODERN JOAN OF ARC

  (See Chap. 5, here)

  I am indebted to the Rev R. H. Steuart, SJ, for the following interesting letter about a peasant girl who did actually achieve something of the sort during the European War:

  DEAR MISS SACKVILLE-WEST, – The name of the girl in question is Claire Ferchaud – that at least is, I think, the right spelling. She claimed to have had a vision – or some sort of supernatural intimation – that the Allies would not win the War until the image of the Sacred Heart was added to the French flag – the tricolor! I understand that she succeeded in getting an interview with M. Poincaré, but I do not know what passed between them except that he was clearly unconvinced. Some people, clergy amongst them, believed at first in her ‘mission,’ but a curé to whom I spoke about the matter told me that she exhibited certain eccentricities and extravagances in her language and behaviour which before long lost her all her following. Of her subsequent history I know nothing. Such phenomena of quite sincere self-delusion are not uncommon in times of national crisis in France.

  An account of Claire Ferchaud is given in the Matin of January 24th, 1932. She was a shepherd girl, born at Lamblade in 1895, who in 1915, at the age of twenty, heard voices in much the same way as Jeanne.

  Appendix B

  THE BREACH-OF-PROMISE ACTION

  (See Chap. 5, here)

  I wish we knew more of the Toul affair. We cannot even be sure of the date when the case came into court. According to one computation at least, it was heard during the first days of February 1429, when Jeanne was on her way from Vaucouleurs to Nancy. One of Jeanne’s most ardent admirers and ill-balanced biographers, Jean-Baptiste Joseph Ayroles, SJ, attempts an elaborate explanation which, in his eyes, partially covers the expedition to Nancy.fn1 Père Ayroles suggests that Jacques d’Arc himself organised the breach-of-promise action, thus hoping by perjury to obtain (through the official interference of the diocese) that which he had been unable to attain by parental persuasion, i.e. the prevention of Jeanne’s projected journey into France. With some ingenuity he almost induces us to believe that the distraught father pursued his daughter to Vaucouleurs, a suggestion which he supports in the first place by Jeanne’s own statement that her father and mother nearly went out of their minds when she left for Vaucouleurs, and in the second place by the deposition of a then choirboy, later a priest, Jean le Fumeux, who stated that he remembered once seeing her father and mother at Vaucouleurs.fn2 With the same ingenuity he argues (and this, I think, is the only point worth consideration in his case) that Jean de Metz, in escorting Jeanne as far as Toul on the first stage of her journey, leaving her to perform the four succeeding stages to Nancy without his escort, and returning post-haste to Vaucouleurs himself, must have had some very strong reason for his behaviour. This reason, Père Ayroles alleges, was his desire to observe how so controversial a person would comport herself before the tribunal, since there was an element of the greatest possible interest for all those desirous of estimating her true or false worth. Jean de Metz, in fact, would thus have been sent with her as a kind of spy, presumably by Robert de Baudricourt. To round off the explanation, a hint is thrown out that the motive of the Duke of Lorraine in sending a safe-conduct for Jeanne may not have been unconnected with his curiosity about the Toul affair.

  The upshot of Père Ayroles’ argument would be to fix the date of the breach-of-promise action as February 1429 – not, in any case, a very important or interesting point, and it seems far more probable that it took place in July 1428.

  Unfortunately for Père Ayroles, every clause in his argument, with one possible exception, is readily picked to pieces either by common sense or by a closer examination into the evidence. For one thing, it is scarcely likely that Jacques d’Arc would have devised the expedient of getting his own daughter dragged before the courts on so discreditable a charge: it is easier to believe that he would have been, as he said, prepared to drown her in the defence of her virtue. For another, is it likely that, had he really been in Vaucouleurs with Jeanne at the time, and had he really engineered this summons to Toul, he would have allowed her to go off with Jean de Metz, and would not have gone also, in order to keep an eye on her? Thirdly, however, and most unfortunately for Père Ayroles, there is not a shred of reason for supposing that Jacques did pursue her to Vaucouleurs. True, he quotes the deposition of the choirboy Le Fumeux as to having once seen Jacques and Isabelle in Vaucouleurs; but conveniently forgets (a) that Jacques had probably journeyed to Vaucouleurs two years previous to Jeanne’s arrival there, in order to transact business on behalf of his village with Robert de Baudricourt, so that Le Fumeux may equally well have seen him there on that occasion; and (b) that Jacques and Isabelle may well have gone to Vaucouleurs for no particular reason save a holiday jaunt. The only clause which seems to retain any sense at all is the one relative to Jean de Metz; for the rest, one hears nothing but the voice of the theorist determined to defend his case.

  Père Ayroles even goes so far as to mention the names of two young men either of whom might have been chosen by Jeanne’s parents as their prospective son-in-law. These were the two young men whose testimony has already been quoted several times in the earlier chapters. Again, unfortunately for the reverend father, there is no word in either of their depositions to suggest any foundation that this was the fact. The first one, Michel Lebuin,fn3 states that he knew her well; had sometimes accompanied her to Sainte Marie de Bermont; and knew that she frequently went to confession. The second young man suggested by Père Ayroles, Jean Waterin, also deposedfn4 that he had known Jeanne well; had followed her father’s plough with her; had played with her and the other children in the meadows, when, Jeanne with-drawing herself apart and, as it seemed to him, talking to God (se trahebat ad partem et loquebatur Deo, ut sibi videbatur), he joined with the others in making fun of her.

  This is not at all the same thing as saying that they ever contemplated marriage with her.

  Appendix C

  LA PUCELLE

  (See Chap. 7, here)

  ‘Gentil Dauphin, j’ai nom Jehanne la Pucelle.’ Thus she announced herself on first coming into the presence of Charles VII; a sobriquet which, once adopted at the outset of her public career, she never afterwards abandoned.

  It is not surprising that she should have thus instantly and publicly declared herself as a virgin. If ever any woman justified a nickname based on so negative a profession, then surely she was the woman to do it. Not only had she taken a vow of virginity, but there were other reasons which dictated so wise and arrogant a declaration. The wisdom of it was obvious, for one whose career was going to take her into camp and Court, surrounded by soldiers and profligates; Jeanne was always sensible, and she knew about life. It was just as well to let the men know exactly how they stood
. But there were other reasons which she would have been the last to disregard. Heavenly counsel had come to the support of worldly sagacity. Questioned later at her trial, she was able to reply that, even before the taking of Orleans, her voices had addressed her as Jeanne la Pucelle, daughter of God, and, as there is no reason to doubt her sincerity in this as in any other matter, it may be accepted that she believed the title to have received the sanction of Heaven in approval of her vow. Anyhow, having first adopted it officially at Chinon, she thereafter used it invariably in reference to herself. Even in her letter to the English, written before the taking of Orleans, it occurs no less than six times. And there can be no doubt but that she deserved it, whether personally or celestially bestowed, for, questioned again, she offered herself to examination, provided that such examination should be carried out by respectable women – as, indeed, it was, to their entire and doubtless critical satisfaction.

  It is amusing that this little word out of mediaeval French should have survived in current speech wholly in connexion with Jeanne. It is as though she had inadvertently conferred inimortal life upon it. The dictionary (O.E.D.) gives it as obs. exc. hist.; yet to us, thanks to Jeanne, it is so familiar that we never stop to think about it. It is far more familiar to us in its French sense than in its English form, puzzel, which can mean something so surprisingly contradictory: a drab, slut, or courtesan – a contradiction which had evidently occurred to the author of the First Part of King Henry VI, and had given him the chance of a double pun on Jeanne and her king:

  Pucelle or puzzel, dolphin or dogfish,

  Your hearts I’ll stamp out with my horse’s heels,

  And make a quagmire of your mingled brains.

  Act I, scene iv.

  Appendix D

  JEANNE’S FIRST LETTER TO THE ENGLISH

  March 22nd, 1429

  (See Chap. 8, here)

  Au due de Bethfort, soi disant régent le royaume de France ou à ses lieutenans estans devant la ville d’Orliens.

  JHESUS, MARIA

  Roy d’Angleterre, et vous, due de Bethfort, qui vous dictes regent le royaume de France; vous, Guillaume de la Poule, conte de Suffort; Jehan, sire de Talebot; et vous, Thomas, sire d’Escales, qui vous dictes lieutenans dudit due de Bethfort, faictes rason au Roy du ciel [de son sane royal]; rendez à la Pucelle qui est cy envoiée de par Dieu, le roy du ciel, les clefs de toutes les bonnes villes que vous avez prises et violées en France. Elle est ci venue de par Dieu [le Roy du ciel] pour réclamer le sanc royal. Elle est toute preste de faire paix, se vous lui voulez faire raison, par ainsi que France vous mectres jus et paierez de ce que l’avez tenue. Et entre vous, archiers, compaignons de guerre gentilz, et autres qui estes devant la [bonne] ville d’Orliens, alez-vous-en en vos païs, de par Dieu; et se ainsi ne le faictes, attendez nouvelles de la Pucelle qui vous ira voir briefment à vos bien grans dommaiges. Roy d’Angleterre, se ainsi ne le faictes, je suis chief de guerre, et en quelque lieu que je actaindray vos gens en France, je les en ferai aler, veuillent ou non veuillent, et si ne veullent obéir, je les ferai tous occire. Je suis cy envoiée de par Dieu, le roy du ciel, corps pour corps, pour vous bouter hors de toute France (encontre tous ceulx qui vouldroient porter tra’ison, malengin ne domaige au royaulme de France). Et si veullent obéir, je les prandray à mercy. Et n’aïez point en vostre oppinion que vous ne tendrez mie le royaume de France [de] Dieu, le Roy du ciel, filz [de] sainte Marie; ainz le tendra le roy Charles, vrai héritier; car Dieu, le Roy du ciel le veult, ‘et lui est révélé par la Pucelle; lequel entrera à Paris à bonne compaignie. Se ne voulez croire les nouvelles de par Dieu et la Pucelle, en quelque lieu que vous trouverons, nous ferrous (frapperons) dedans à [horionsfn5] et y ferons ung si grant hahay, que encore a-il mil ans queen Francene fu si grant,fn6 se vous ne faictes raison.

  Et croyez fermement que le Roy du ciel envoiera plus de force à la Pucelle, que vous ne lui sauricz mener de tous assaulx, à elle et à ses bonnes gens d’armes; et aux horions verra-on qui ara meilleur droit de Dieu du ciel [ou de vous.) Vous, due de Bethfort, la Pucelle vous prie et vous requiert que vous ne vous faictes mie détruire. Si vous lui faictes raison, encore pourrez venir en sa compaignie, l’ou que les Franchois fcront la plus bel fait que oncque sut fait pour la chrestienté. Et faictcs response se vous voulez faire paix en la cité d’Orliens; et se ainsi ne le faictes, de vos bien grans domaiges vous souviengne briefment. Escript ce mardi [de la] sepmaine saincte.fn7

  [De par la Pucelle].

  Appendix E

  THE STANDARD

  (See Chap. 8, here)

  It will be noticed that Jeanne’s standard was painted, not embroidered. The work was entrusted to Hauves Poulnoir, paintre, demourant à Tours, for the sum of 25 livres tournois.fn8 This Hauves Poulnoir or Poulvoir, was in reality a Scotsman named Hamish Power – a name with which French orthography was unable to cope, in spite of the presence of many Scotsmen in France at that time. His 25 livres tournois covered all his work on two banners, including the material, ung grant estandart et ung petit pour la Pucelle. The big standard, which was of white satin, was ornamented with a representation of Christ seated on the globe, supported by two angels, the groundwork being sprinkled with the golden lilies of France; the little banner, or panon, depicted the Annunciation, with an angel offering a lily to Our Lady.

  Appendix F

  LIST OF PERSONAGES CONCERNED IN THE TRIAL

  (See Chap. 15, passim)

  LES DEUX JUGES

  Cauchon, Pierre, évêque de Beauvais; juge.

  Lemaistre, Jean, bachelier en théologie, prieur des dominicians ou Frères Prêcheurs de Rouen, vice-inquisiteur; juge-adjoint.

  OFFICIERS DE LA CAUSE

  La Fontaine, Jean de, maître ès arts, licencié en droit canon, conseiller, commissaire et examinateur de la cause, délégué habituel de Cauchon.

  Estivet, Jean d’, chanoine de Beauvais et de Bayeux, promoteur de la cause, ou procureur général.

  NOTAIRES

  Manchon, Guillaume, prêtre, notaire impérial et apostolique prés la cour ecclésiastique de Rouen, notaire pour Cauchon.

  Colles, Guillaume, appelé aussi Bois-Guillaume; mêmes qualités.

  Taquel, Nicolas; même profession, greffier ou notaire de la cause pour l’inquisition.

  EXECUTEUR DES EXPLOITS

  Massieu, Jean, prêtre, doyen de la cathédrale de Rouen.

  ASSESSEURS OU CONSULTEURS

  Docteurs en théologie

  Adelie, Guillaume.

  Beaupère, Jean.

  Belorme, Martin, vicaire général du grand inquisiteur, à Paris.

  Bonesgue, Jean de, aumônier de l’abbaye de Fécamp.

  Boucher ou le Bouchier, Guillaume.

  Carpentier ou Charpentier, Jean.

  Castillon ou Chatillon, Jean Hulot de, archidiacre et chanoine d’Evreux.

  Dierry, Pierre de, docteur en l’Université de Paris.

  Du Fou, Jean.

  Dupré, Richard.

  Du Quesnay ou du Quesnoy, Maurice.

  Duremort, Gilles de, abbé de la Ste-Trinité de Fécamp.

  Emengard ou Ermengard, Erard.

  Erard ou Evrard, Guillaume.

  Feuillet, Gérard.

  Fouchier, Jean.

  Gilebert, Robert, anglais, doyen de la chapelle royale.

  Graverand, Jean, dominicain, grand inquisiteur de France.

  Gravestein, Jean.

  Guesdon, Jacques, de l’ordre des FF. mineurs ou franciscains.

  Houdenc, Pierre.

  Lami, Nicolas.

  Lèfevre ou Fabri, Jean.

  Maurice, Pierre.

  Midi, Nicolas, chanoine de Rouen.

  Migiet, Pierre, prieur de Longueville-Giffard.

  Nibat, Jean de.

  Sabreuvois, Denis de.

  Soquet, Jean.

  Théroulde, Guillaume, abbé de Mortemer.

  Touraine, Jacques de, nommé aussi J. Tessier ou Texier; en latin, Textoris.

  Troyes, Jean de, doyen de l
a faculté de théologie de Paris.

  Bacheliers en théologie

  Baudrebois, Guillaume de.

  Bourrilliet, Jean, dit François, prêtre, maître es arts, licencié en décret.

  Coppequesne ou Coupe-chêne, Nicolas.

  Courcelles, Thomas de.

  Duval, Jean.

  Eude, Jean.

  Grouchet, Richard de, chanoine de la Saussaye, au diocése d’Evreux.

  Haiton ou Heton, William, anglais.

  Legagneur, Richard; en latin, Lucratoris.

  Lemaistre, Guillaume.

  Lemire ou le médecin: Medici, Nicolas.

  Lermite, Guillaume.

  Le Vautier, Jean.

  Minier, Pierre.

  Pigache, Jean.

  Sauvage ou Saulvaige, Raoul. Radulfus Silvestris.

  Dodeurs en droits civil et canon (in utroque jure)

  Bonnel, Guillaume, abbé de Cormeilles, au diocése de Lisieux.

  Conti, Guillaume de, abbé de la Trinité du Mont Ste-Catherine, près Rouen.

  Guarin ou Guérin, Jean, chanoine de Rouen.

  Roussel, Raoul, trésorier de l’eglise de Rouen.

  Licenciés in utroque

  Barbier, Robert, chanoine de Rouen.

  Du Mesle, Guillaume, abbé de St-Ouen de Rouen.

  Gastinel, Denis.

  Labbé, Jean, dit Jean de Rouen, abbé de St-Georges de Boscherville.

  La Crique, Pierre de.

  Le Bourg, Guillaume, prieur de St-Lô de Rouen.

  Moret, Jean, abbé de Préaux.

  Docteurs en droit canon

  Boisseau, Guérould, doyen de la faculté de décret à Paris.

  Duchesne, Bertrand, religieux de l’Ordre de Cluny, doyen de Lihons en Santerre.

  Fiefvet, Thomas.

  Le Roux, Nicolas, abbé de Jumiéges.

  Vaux, Pasquier des.

  Licenciés en droit canon

  Augny ou Auguy, Raoul, avocat en la cour ecclésiastique de Rouen.

  Basset, Jean, official de Rouen.

  Brullot, Jean, chantre de la cathédrale de Rouen.

 

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