Dissimulation to a true Politician is not difficult, and therefore I readily assumed the Character of a Proselyte, but found that their Principle of Action was no other, than that which they make no Scruple of avowing in the most publick Manner, notwithstanding the Contempt and Ridicule to which it every Day exposes them, and the Loss of those Honours and Profits from which it excludes them.
This wild Passion, or Principle, is a kind of Fanaticism by which they distinguish those of their own Party, and which they look upon as a certain Indication of a great Mind. We have no name for it at Court,2 but among themselves, they term it by a kind of Cant-phrase, A REGARD FOR POSTERITY.
This Passion seems to predominate in all their Conduct, to regulate every Action of their Lives, and Sentiment of their Minds; I have heard L— and P—,3 when they have made a vigorous Opposition, or blasted the Blossom of some ministerial Scheme, cry out, in the Height of their Exultations, This will deserve the Thanks of Posterity!
And when their Adversaries, as it much more frequently falls out, have out-number’d and overthrown them, they will say with an Air of Revenge, and a kind of gloomy Triumph, Posterity will curse you for this.
It is common among Men under the Influence of any kind of Frenzy, to believe that all the World has the same odd Notions that disorder their own Imaginations. Did these unhappy Men, these deluded Patriots, know how little we are concerned about Posterity, they would never attempt to fright us with their Curses, or tempt us to a Neglect of our own Interest by a Prospect of their Gratitude.
But so strong is their Infatuation, that they seem to have forgotten even the primary Law of Self-preservation, for they sacrifice without scruple every flattering Hope, every darling Enjoyment, and every Satisfaction of Life to this ruling Passion, and appear in every Step to consult not so much their own Advantage as that of Posterity.
Strange Delusion! that can confine all their Thoughts to a Race of Men whom they neither know, nor can know; from whom nothing is to be feared, nor any Thing expected; who cannot even bribe a special Jury,4 nor have so much as a single Riband to bestow.
This Fondness for Posterity is a kind of Madness which at Rome was once almost epidemical, and infected even the Women and the Children. It reigned there till the entire Destruction of Carthage, after which it began to be less general, and in a few Years afterwards a Remedy was discovered, by which it was almost entirely extinguished.
In England it never prevailed in any such Degree; some few of the ancient Barons seem indeed to have been disorder’d by it, but the Contagion has been for the most part timely checked, and our Ladies have been generally free.
But there has been in every Age a Set of Men much admired and reverenced, who have affected to be always talking of Posterity, and have laid out their Lives upon the Composition of Poems for the Sake of being applauded by this imaginary Generation.
The present Poets I reckon amongst the most inexorable Enemies5 of our most excellent Ministry, and much doubt whether any Method will effect the Cure of a Distemper which in this Class of Men may be termed not an accidental Disease, but a Defect in their original Frame and Constitution.
Mr. Brooke, a Name I mention with all the Detestation suitable to my Character, could not forbear discovering this Depravity of his Mind in his very Prologue, which is filled with Sentiments so wild, and so much unheard of among those who frequent Levees and Courts, that I much doubt, whether the zealous Licenser proceeded any further in his Examination of his Performance.
He might easily perceive that a Man,
Who bade his moral Beam through every Age,6
was too much a Bigot to exploded Notions, to compose a Play which he could license without manifest Hazard of his Office, a
Hazard which no Man would incur untainted with the Love of Posterity.
We cannot therefore wonder that an Author, wholly possessed by this Passion, should vent his Resentment for the Licenser’s just Refusal, in virulent Advertisements, insolent Complaints, and scurrilous Assertions of his Rights and Privileges, and proceed in Defiance of Authority to solicite a Subscription.
This Temper which I have been describing is almost always complicated with Ideas of the high Prerogatives of human Nature, of a sacred unalienable Birthright, which no Man has conferr’d upon us, and which neither Kings can take, nor Senates give away, which we may justly assert whenever and by whomsoever it is attacked, and which, if ever it should happen to be lost, we may take the first Opportunity to recover.
The natural Consequence of these Chimeras is Contempt of Authority, and an Irreverence for any Superiority but what is founded upon Merit, and their Notions of Merit are very peculiar, for it is among them no great Proof of Merit to be wealthy and powerful, to wear a Garter or a Star, to command a Regiment or a Senate, to have the Ear of the Minister or of the King, or to possess any of those Virtues and Excellencies which among us entitle a Man to little less than Worship and Prostration.
We may therefore easily conceive that Mr. Brooke thought himself entitled to be importunate for a License, because, in his own Opinion, he deserved one, and to complain thus loudly at the Repulse he met with.
His Complaints will have, I hope, but little Weight with the Publick, since the Opinions of the Sect in which he is enlisted are exposed and shown to be evidently and demonstrably opposite to that System of Subordination and Dependence to which we are indebted for the present Tranquillity of the Nation, and that Chearfulness and Readiness with which the two Houses7 concur in all our Designs.
I shall however, to silence him intirely, or at least to shew those of our Party, that he ought to be silent, consider singly every Instance of Hardship and Oppression which he has dared to publish in the Papers, and to publish in such a Manner that I hope no Man will condemn me for Want of Candour in becoming an Advocate for the Ministry, if I can consider his Advertisements as nothing less than AN APPEAL TO HIS COUNTRY.
Let me be forgiven if I cannot speak with Temper of such Insolence as this: Is a Man without Title, Pension, or Place, to suspect the Impartiality or the Judgment of those who are intrusted with the Administration of publick Affairs? Is he, when the Law is not strictly observed in Regard to him, to think himself aggrieved, to tell his Sentiments in Print, assert his Claim to better Usage, and fly for Redress to another Tribunal?
If such Practices are permitted, I will not venture to foretell the Effects of them, the Ministry may soon be convinced that such Sufferers will find Compassion, and that it is safer not to bear hard upon them than to allow them to complain.
The Power of Licensing in general, being firmly established by an Act of Parliament, our Poet has not attempted to call in Question, but contents himself with censuring the Manner in which it has been executed, so that I am not now engaged to assert the Licenser’s Authority, but to defend his Conduct.
The Poet seems to think himself aggrieved, because the Licenser kept his Tragedy in his Hands one and twenty Days, whereas the Law allows him to detain it only fourteen.
Where will the Insolence of the Malcontents end? Or how are such unreasonable Expectations possibly to be satisfied? Was it ever known that a Man exalted into a high Station dismissed a Suppliant in the Time limited by Law? Ought not Mr. Brooke to think himself happy that his Play was not detained longer? If he had been kept a Year in Suspense, what Redress could he have obtained? Let the Poets remember when they appear before the Licenser, or his Deputy, that they stand at the Tribunal from which there is no Appeal permitted, and where nothing will so well become them as Reverence and Submission.
Mr. Brooke mentions in his Preface his Knowledge of the Laws of his own Country; had he extended his Enquiries to the Civil Law, he could have found a full Justification of the Licenser’s Conduct, Boni Judicis est ampliare suam auctoritatem.8
If then it be the Business of a good Judge to enlarge his Authority, was it not in the Licenser the utmost Clemency and Forbearance, to extend fourteen Days only to twenty-one.
I suppose this great Ma
n’s Inclination to perform at least this Duty of a good Judge, is not questioned by any, either of his Friends or Enemies, I may therefore venture to hope that he will extend his Power by proper Degrees, and that I shall live to see a Malecontent Writer earnestly soliciting for the Copy of a Play, which he had delivered to the Licenser twenty Years before.
I waited, says he, often on the Licenser, and with the utmost Importunity entreated an Answer. Let Mr. Brooke consider whether that Importunity was not a sufficient Reason for the Disappointment. Let him reflect how much more decent it had been to have waited the Leisure of a great Man, than to have pressed upon him with repeated Petitions, and to have intruded upon those precious Moments which he has dedicated to the Service of his Country.
Mr. Brooke was doubtless led into this improper Manner of acting, by an erroneous Notion that the Grant of a License was not an Act of Favour but of Justice, a Mistake into which he could not have fallen, but from a supine Inattention to the Design of the Statute, which was only to bring Poets into Subjection and Dependence, not to encourage good Writers, but to discourage all.
There lies no Obligation upon the Licenser to grant his Sanction to a Play, however excellent, nor can Mr. Brooke demand any Reparation, whatever Applause his Performance may meet with.
Another Grievance is, that the Licenser assigned no Reason for his Refusal. This is a higher Strain of Insolence than any of the former. Is it for a Poet to demand a Licenser’s Reason for his Proceedings? Is he not rather to acquiesce in the Decision of Authority, and conclude that there are Reasons which he cannot comprehend?
Unhappy would it be for Men in Power, were they always obliged to publish the Motives of their Conduct. What is Power but the Liberty of acting without being accountable? The Advocates for the Licensing Act have alledged, that the Lord Chamberlain has always had Authority to prohibit the Representation of a Play for just Reasons. Why then did we call in all our Force to procure an Act of Parliament? Was it to enable him to do what he has always done, to confirm an Authority which no Man attempted to impair, or pretended to dispute; no, certainly: Our Intention was to invest him with new Privileges, and to empower him to do that without Reason, which with Reason he could do before.
We have found by long Experience, that to lie under a Necessity of assigning Reasons, is very troublesome, and that many an excellent Design has miscarried by the Loss of Time spent unnecessarily in examining Reasons.
Always to call for Reasons, and always to reject them, shews a strange Degree of Perverseness; yet such is the daily Behaviour of our Adversaries, who have never yet been satisfied with any Reasons that have been offered by us.
They have made it their Practice to demand once a Year the Reasons for which we maintain a Standing Army.9
One Year we told them that it was necessary, because all the Nations round us were involved in War; this had no Effect upon them, and therefore resolving to do our utmost for their Satisfaction, we told them the next Year that it was necessary because all the Nations round us were at Peace.
This Reason finding no better Reception than the other, we had Recourse to our Apprehensions of an Invasion from the Pretender, of an Insurrection in Favour of Gin, and of a general Disaffection among the People.
But as they continue still impenetrable, and oblige us still to assign our annual Reasons, we shall spare no Endeavours to procure such as may be more satisfactory than any of the former.
The Reason we once gave for building Barracks was for Fear of the Plague, and we intend next Year to propose the Augmentation of our Troops for fear of a Famine.
The Committee, by which the Act for Licensing the Stage was drawn up, had too long known the Inconvenience of giving Reasons, and were too well acquainted with the Characters of great Men, to lay the Lord Chamberlain, or his deputy, under any such tormenting Obligation.
Yet lest Mr. Brooke should imagine that a License was refused him without just Reasons, I shall condescend to treat him with more Regard than he can reasonably expect, and point out such Sentiments as not only justly exposed him to that Refusal, but would have provoked any Ministry less merciful than the present to have inflicted some heavier Penalties upon him.
His Prologue is filled with such Insinuations as no Friend of our excellent Government can read without Indignation and Abhorrence, and cannot but be owned to be a proper Introduction to such Scenes as seem designed to kindle in the Audience a Flame of Opposition, Patriotism, Publick Spirit, and Independency, that Spirit which we have so long endeavoured to suppress, and which cannot be revived without the entire Subversion of all our Schemes.
This seditious Poet not content with making an open Attack upon us, by declaring in plain Terms, that he looks upon Freedom as the only Source of publick Happiness and national Security, has endeavoured with Subtlety, equal to his Malice, to make us suspicious of our firmest Friends, to infect our Consultations with Distrust, and to ruin us by disuniting us.
This indeed will not be easily effected, an Union founded upon Interest and cemented by Dependance is naturally lasting: But Confederacies which owe their Rise to Virtue or mere Conformity of Sentiments are quickly dissolved, since no Individual has any Thing either to hope or fear for himself, and publick Spirit is generally too weak to combat with private Passions.
The Poet has, however, attempted to weaken our Combination by an artful and sly Assertion, which, if suffered to remain unconfuted, may operate by Degrees upon our Minds in the Days of Leisure and Retirement which are now approaching, and perhaps fill us with such Surmises as may at least very much embarrass our Affairs.
The Law by which the Swedes justified their Opposition to the incroachments of the King of Denmark he not only calls
Great Nature’s Law, the Law within the Breast
But proceeds to tell us that it is
— Stamp’d by Heav’n upon th’ unletter’d Mind.10
By which he evidently intends to insinuate a Maxim which is, I hope, as false as it is pernicious, that Men are naturally fond of Liberty till those unborn Ideas and Desires are effaced by Literature.
The Author, if he be not a Man mew’d up in his solitary Study and entirely unacquainted with the Conduct of the present Ministry, must know that we have hitherto acted upon different Principles. We have always regarded Letters as great Obstructions to our Scheme of Subordination, and have therefore, when we have heard of any Man remarkably unletter’d, carefully noted him down as the most proper Person for any Employments of Trust or Honour, and considered him as a Man in whom we could safely repose our most important Secrets.
From among the uneducated and unletter’d we have chosen not only our Embassadors and other Negotiators, but even our Journalists and Pamphleteers, nor have we had any Reason to change our Measures or to repent of the Confidence which we have placed in Ignorance.
Are we now therefore to be told that this Law is
Stamp’d upon th’ unletter’d Mind?
Are we to suspect our Place-men, our Pensioners, our Generals, our Lawyers, our best Friends in both Houses, all our Adherents among the Atheists and Infidels, and our very Gazetteers, Clerks, and Court-pages, as Friends to Independency? Doubtless this is the Tendency of his Assertion, but we have known them too long to be thus imposed upon, the unletter’d have been our warmest and most constant Defenders, nor have we omitted any Thing to deserve their Favour, but have always endeavoured to raise their Reputation, extend their Influence, and encrease their Number.
In his first Act he abounds with Sentiments very inconsistent with the Ends for which the Power of Licensing was granted; to enumerate them all would be to transcribe a great Part of his Play, a Task which I shall very willingly leave to others, who, tho’ true Friends to the Government, are not inflamed with Zeal so fiery and impatient as mine, and therefore do not feel the same Emotions of Rage and Resentment at the Sight of those infamous Passages, in which Venality and Dependence are presented as mean in themselves, and productive of Remorse and Infelicity.
; One Line which ought, in my Opinion, to be erased from every Copy by a special Act of Parliament, is mentioned by Anderson,11 as pronounced by the Hero in his Sleep,
O Sweden, O my Country, yet I’ll save thee.12
This Line I have Reason to believe thrown out as a kind of Watch-word for the opposing Faction, who, when they meet in their seditious Assemblies, have been observed to lay their Hands upon their Breasts, and cry out with great Vehemence of Accent,
OB —, O my Country, yet I’ll save thee.
In the second Scene he endeavours to fix Epithets of Contempt upon those Passions and Desires which have been always found most useful to the Ministry, and most opposite to the Spirit of Independency.
Base Fear, the Laziness of Lust, gross Appetites,
These are the Ladders and the grov’ling Foot-stool
From whence the Tyrant rises—
Secure and scepter’d in the Soul’s Servility
He has debauched the Genius of our Country
And rides triumphant, while her captive Sons
Await his Nod, the silken Slaves of Pleasure,
Or fettered in their Fears.—13
Thus is that decent Submission to our Superiors, and that proper Awe of Authority which we are taught in Courts, termed base Fear and the Servility of the Soul. Thus are those Gayeties and Enjoyments, those elegant Amusements, and lulling Pleasures which the Followers of a Court are blessed with, as the just Rewards of their Attendance and Submission, degraded to Lust, Grossness, and Debauchery. The Author ought to be told, that Courts are not to be mentioned with so little Ceremony, and that though Gallantries and Amours are admitted there, it is almost Treason to suppose them infected with Debauchery or Lust.
It is observable that when this hateful Writer has conceived any Thought of an uncommon Malignity, a Thought which tends in a more particular Manner to excite the Love of Liberty, animate the Heat of Patriotism, or degrade the Majesty of Kings, he takes Care to put it in the Mouth of his Hero, that it may be more forcibly impressed upon his Reader. Thus Gustavus, speaking of his Tatters, cries out,
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