Her conversation is congenial, but she never engages deeply, preferring to move from one topic to another. At the end of the meal, she has the somewhat outré habit of opening her evening bag, pulling out a compact, and reapplying her lipstick. When First Lady Laura Bush made a similar cosmetic fix during a Washington ladies’ luncheon, she cheerily commented, “The Queen told me it was all right to do it.”
Hewing to an upper-class ritual long after the advent of feminism in the 1970s, Elizabeth II and the women withdraw from the dining room after dinner, leaving the men to enjoy port and cigars at the table. “She never batted an eye,” recalled Jean Carnarvon, the widow of her longtime racing manager. “It was just expected.” Conversation in these vestigial female groupings might touch on harmless personal matters while yielding little about the Queen’s views.
The next stop is always the castle library, where the Queen has arranged to have objects of particular interest to each guest on display. “The selections are to entertain rather than inform,” said Oliver Everett, the Royal Librarian for nearly two decades. In the days preceding the dinner, the librarian sends her a note describing the proposed items and their importance. For an American official there could be correspondence from George Washington, or Mrs. Lincoln’s reply to Queen Victoria’s condolence note after her husband was assassinated, while the director of the Victoria and Albert Museum could be shown the original letter from the 8th Duke of Devonshire to Queen Victoria suggesting the museum’s name. “It gives people something to talk about,” said Jean Seaton, the widow of writer Ben Pimlott. “It is a good mechanism for the Queen, who is a fundamentally shy person.”
The culmination of the evening is the world’s most exclusive guided tour led by the Queen and duke through the priceless collections of the castle’s state rooms. “I suppose landscape is quite nice,” she said when asked her favorite style of painting. The equestrian scenes by George Stubbs give her the most pleasure, and it distresses her, she once said, that “he experimented terribly with his canvases, and we’ve got one which is flaking off and you can’t stop it.” She is also known to dislike most modern art. When she opened the Tate Modern gallery, “she was steered away from the unmade bed and the bits of animals preserved in tanks of brine and allowed to look at a few bright abstracts,” Diana Mitford, Lady Mosley wrote to her sister Deborah, the Duchess of Devonshire.
Yet the Queen’s commentary on the Windsor Castle masterpieces by the likes of van Dyck, Holbein, and Rubens often surprises guests as she reels off the date painted, the subject, and a brief story about each artwork. “Her assessment of a picture is invariably honest and often shrewd,” said a former Surveyor of the Queen’s Pictures. “She has a good visual memory. She will never pretend to appreciate something she doesn’t like or understand.” Unlike Queen Victoria, Elizabeth II is not a passionate collector who scours the sale catalogues for new finds. “She is neither an art historian nor a connoisseur,” said Oliver Everett. “But she knows what she has and the significance of it.” Her preference is for “beauty in nature,” as one of her former advisers put it. But she takes seriously her role as custodian of the royal collection, which includes some seven thousand paintings.
After coffee in one of the drawing rooms, the Queen and Prince Philip say their goodbyes, and are not seen again. Breakfast is served early in the individual suites, where printed cards ask guests to “refrain from offering presents of money to the Servants of Her Majesty’s establishment,” although tips are permitted for the acting valets and ladies’ maids. Some people take time to wander once more through the state rooms before being escorted out by a senior member of the household, who reminds them to sign the visitor’s book with its pages of heavy white cards. “What surprised me was not how many, but how few people ever stayed here,” observed Roy Strong.
BY THE SUMMER of 1964 the Queen had resumed her full public program. Once again she led her annual birthday parade in June riding sidesaddle, and she hosted a succession of garden parties in July at Buckingham Palace and the Palace of Holyroodhouse in Scotland. Queen Victoria began the parties in the 1860s for her aristocratic court, and Queen Elizabeth II democratized them in the 1960s after she abolished debutante presentations. With a guest list of around eight thousand for each, the garden parties are intended to reward people across the socioeconomic spectrum for their contributions to British life.
Personalized invitations of white pasteboard embossed in gold with the Queen’s crown and cypher announce that “the Lord Chamberlain is commanded by Her Majesty” to invite the individual on the designated day. (The Lord Chamberlain, distinct from the ceremonial Lord Great Chamberlain, is the senior official at Buckingham Palace who supervises more than eight hundred staff.) When the Palace doors open at 3 P.M., the men in morning suits and the women in hats and afternoon dresses, along with members of the military in uniform and clergy in their vestments, wander through the gardens and rolling lawns. They patiently line up at the four-hundred-foot buffet in the enormous green and white striped tea tent for a cup of the Queen’s blend of Darjeeling and Assam and a selection of sandwiches, cakes, and pastries—all of which have been inspected earlier by the Queen. Two military bands play sprightly tunes, while the crowd is organized into lanes by the Yeomen of the Guard wearing scarlet and gold tunics, white ruffs, and red, white, and blue beribboned black velvet hats.
At the stroke of 4 P.M., the Queen, Prince Philip, and assorted other members of the royal family arrive on the terrace for the national anthem and fan out to the various lanes. The Gentlemen Ushers, retired military officers in morning dress and top hats, select around a hundred guests to be introduced to the Queen by the Lord Chamberlain, seeking as wide a cross section as possible. She spends an hour moving along the line, an expert in the art of fleeting but unhurried concentration on each of her interlocutors, and ends up at the Royal Tent emblazoned with a large gleaming crown.
A footman serves her a cup of tea from a tray as she takes a break for ten minutes before moving to the adjacent Diplomatic Tent to greet dignitaries and then returning to the Palace at 6 P.M. One year a diplomat’s wife was riveted as the Queen “drank her tea, kicked off her shoes and stood in her stockings with one hand on her hip. She was drinking and laughing and chatting with her butler.” Elizabeth II shows no sign of weariness at the familiar routine and understands the sense of occasion for the thousands of guests. As Cecil Beaton once watched her “standing talking quietly to a very moth-eaten couple,” he mused that “these people were all so admirable, the salt of the earth. They had done good deeds, worked for their country. They were the country’s backbone, and I feel the Queen knew this well.”
IN THE AUTUMN of 1964, the Queen and Prince Philip traveled to Canada for a nine-day state visit. They returned to London two days before a general election on October 15. Throughout Alec Douglas-Home’s year as prime minister, the media, primarily two new satirical outcroppings of 1960s popular culture, the magazine Private Eye and the television revue That Was the Week That Was, had mercilessly mocked him as an out-of-touch toff. Labour leader Harold Wilson had piled on, repeatedly referring to him by his hereditary title, the 14th Earl of Home. “I suppose,” Douglas-Home responded, “that Mr. Wilson, when you come to think of it, is the 14th Mr. Wilson”—a nickname that stuck.
In fact, Douglas-Home had acquitted himself well, and he was popular with the electorate. But an impulse for change pushed the Labour Party ahead by a small margin—44.1 percent of the vote and 317 seats to 43.4 percent and 303 seats for the Tories. Harold Wilson became the first Labour prime minister since Attlee took office in 1945. It was also the first time the Queen had not been involved in choosing the premier, since the party had already elected Wilson as their leader.
While Attlee, who counted three Old Etonians in his cabinet, had been a predictable sort of Labour politician, Wilson was an unfamiliar breed to the Queen: a lower-middle-class product of the academically selective English grammar schools who rose to attain top honors
at Oxford, where he taught economics for nearly a decade. He was proudly provincial, with a pronounced Yorkshire accent, although he was passionately fond of Gilbert and Sullivan, and cultivated the donnish habit of pipe smoking. Still, his simple tastes, reflexive geniality, and quick wit made him good company.
When he arrived at Buckingham Palace on October 16 to kiss hands, he not only brought his wife, Mary, but his two sons, his father, and his political secretary and confidante, Marcia Williams. Rather than full morning dress, the pudgy new leader made a democratic statement by pairing his striped trousers incongruously with an ordinary suit jacket. The courtiers took it in stride, offering the family sherry in the Equerry’s Room while Wilson met with the Queen.
One of her obligations is to disregard her first minister’s political leanings, and Wilson’s certainly diverged from the Tory line of the previous dozen years. After Wilson accommodated labor unions with a “Social Contract,” Sir Michael Oswald, the manager of the Queen’s stud at Sandringham, suggested she give that name to one of her foals. “I got a bleak look from the monarch,” Oswald recalled.
Elizabeth II taught her fifth prime minister at once to take her seriously; when he came to his first audience expecting a general chat, she drilled him with specific questions about his views on shoring up the pound and addressing the balance of payments deficit. Like Churchill at a similar moment, Wilson was embarrassed to be “caught out,” and years later advised his successor to “read all his telegrams and cabinet committee papers in time” lest he “feel like an unprepared schoolboy.”
“We have to work very hard on him,” the Queen said to one of her ladies-in-waiting with a giggle after the first audience. “Within three months he would have died for her,” recalled the lady-in-waiting. “She is savvy in knowing what you have to work on.” The unabashedly Tory Queen Mother found Wilson “a bit touchy … uncomfortable to talk to,” so she was pleased that her daughter had “tamed him.” He was, in fact, more than amenable. “Harold was never a republican,” said Marcia Williams, later Baroness Falkender. “His family were very pro the Queen.” He admired the “real ceremonies of the monarchy,” he once said. “I have a great respect for tradition.”
It also helped that at age forty-eight, Wilson was only a decade older than Elizabeth II. “She started with Winston Churchill, who treated her in a fatherly way, but with Harold it was sort of an equal thing,” said his wife, Mary. Wilson found he could relax with the Queen in a way he hadn’t anticipated. “He was surprised that she used to sit this way,” said Marcia Falkender, leaning forward and grasping her wrists attentively. “She would sit down with him not like a lady does it, not sitting in a prim way. Her very stance gave him to believe she was interested.” Before long, added his loyal political secretary, “nobody came between Harold and the Queen. He had his audience once a week at 6:30 in the evening on Tuesdays. We would meet him in the hall and we would know where he was going. He would suck on his pipe, make a quip, and off he would go. And when he returned, you’d know he’d had a good time.”
“She has an ability to get horses
psychologically attuned to what
she wants and then to persuade
them to enjoy it.”
The Queen, as always without a hard hat, tearing up the course at Ascot in a race with family members, June 1961. Popperfoto/Getty Images
EIGHT
Refuge in Routines
IF HAROLD WILSON’S PREMIERSHIP MARKED THE TURNING OF A page, an epochal event three months later closed an important chapter in the life of the Queen. On January 24, 1965, Winston Churchill died at age ninety. Instantly the wheels began turning for a full state funeral, the first with such panoply for a nonroyal since the death of the Duke of Wellington in 1852.
The preparations, code-named “Operation Hope Not,” had begun in 1958 when the former prime minister nearly died from a sudden attack of pneumonia and the Queen decided that he should be given the supreme honor, overseen by her ceremonial expert, the 16th Duke of Norfolk. “It was entirely owing to the Queen that it was a state funeral,” recalled Churchill’s daughter Mary Soames. “She indicated that to him several years before he died, and he was gratified.”
President Lyndon Johnson was supposed to represent the United States, but he was bedridden at Bethesda Naval Hospital with acute bronchitis, and his doctors resisted. The president was eager to attend, not least because Churchill was confidently Anglo-American and regarded the bond between the countries as a “living entity to be fostered and prized.” Johnson desperately pressed for three days to obtain special accommodations including bringing his own chair to the funeral, arranging shelter from inclement weather, and gaining permission to sit while others were standing. He also secured an agreement from the Queen to receive him privately in Buckingham Palace after the funeral.
In the end, his physicians prevailed. Johnson not only lost his chance to participate in a grand occasion, but he would never again have a chance to meet the Queen. The president’s designated replacement, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, fell ill with influenza and had to bow out as well, reducing the official American delegation to only Chief Justice Earl Warren and David Bruce. Dwight Eisenhower attended as a private citizen and issued his own tribute hailing Churchill as “a great maker of history” who was the “embodiment of British defiance to threat, her courage in adversity, her calmness in danger, her moderation in success … the leader to whom the entire body of free men owes so much.”
By Elizabeth II’s decree, Churchill lay in state in Westminster Hall for three days, followed by a funeral at St. Paul’s Cathedral on Saturday, January 30, to “acknowledge our debt of gratitude … for the life and example of a national hero.” It was one of the most magnificent spectacles of the twentieth century, with 120 slow-marching naval ratings (noncommissioned officers) pulling the coffin on the gun carriage used at the funerals of Queen Victoria and Kings George V and VI, detachments from all branches of the armed services, nine military bands, and guns fired ninety times, once a minute for each year of his life. The male members of the Churchill family walked behind the coffin, followed by Churchill’s widow and daughters in a carriage provided by the Queen, who equipped it with rugs and hot-water bottles to help them ward off the cold. Hundreds of thousands of mourners lined the roads to watch the procession from Westminster to St. Paul’s, which took a full hour.
At the cathedral, the Queen arrived before the procession to join the congregation of three thousand (including leaders of 110 nations) and sit with her husband and mother in three red upholstered gilt chairs in front of the catafalque under the 365-foot dome. “Waiving all custom and precedence,” noted Mary Soames, the Queen “waited the arrival of her greatest subject.” Elizabeth II also told the Churchill family “we were not to curtsy or bow as we passed her, because it would have held everything up.”
The service lasted a half hour, with neither sermon nor eulogies, only prayers, scriptures, and three of Churchill’s favorite hymns. The second, Julia Ward Howe’s stirring “The Battle Hymn of the Republic,” paid homage to his American roots (his mother was a New Yorker, Jennie Jerome), previously sung at St. Paul’s just over a year earlier at the memorial service for John F. Kennedy. At Churchill’s service, it was the hymn “most enthusiastically rendered,” wrote David Bruce.
Once a trumpeter had sounded the “Last Post” and a bugler had played “Reveille,” the Queen again broke precedent and left after the Churchill family had followed the coffin, borne by eight Grenadier guardsmen. The royal family stood silently on the cathedral steps with the other world leaders, “the clouds of cold coming from the Queen’s mouth” as the funeral cortege departed amid muffled drums for Tower pier. From there, the coffin, escorted by the family, was transported by launch up the Thames, and by train for burial in a churchyard near Churchill’s birthplace at Blenheim Palace.
In another unprecedented gesture, the Queen hosted a buffet luncheon at Buckingham Palace for all the chief mourners and
foreign dignitaries. “It hit between wind and water,” David Bruce recorded, “restrained but informal.” Rather than greet her guests in a receiving line, the Queen circulated among them, her introductions managed by members of the household. Prince Charles, Princess Anne, and Prince Andrew “wandered casually about,” ten-month-old Prince Edward “was brought in for a speedy tour,” and the Queen left just before two o’clock.
* * *
OF ALL THE striking scenes of the day, one of the most memorable was of Churchill’s coffin draped in the Union Jack, its only adornment a black pillow holding the insignia of the Most Noble Order of the Garter: the elaborate chain known as the Collar of the Order, with the enameled emblem of St. George and the dragon attached, and the badge with the cross of St. George and the Garter motto, “Honi soit qui mal y pense” (Shame on him who thinks evil of this). The Nobel laureate and recipient of countless other awards considered the Garter in a class by itself because, Churchill said, “only the Queen decides.” With a maximum twenty-four recipients—“Companions” they are called—at any given time, plus members of the royal family and foreign sovereigns, the Garter knights are probably the most exclusive club in the world. The Order was founded in 1348 by King Edward III, and the members serve until their death.
In June 1965, the Queen assembled her knights for their annual gathering, which included the installation of two new Companions, Basil Brooke, the former prime minister of Northern Ireland, and Edward Bridges, the former head of the Civil Service. Elizabeth II gives no specific reason for conferring her unique “mark of Royal favour,” but she has included eight of her prime ministers and other distinguished figures from politics, the law, business, the military, diplomacy, and the judiciary as well as hereditary peers, a number of whom she has chosen for serving her personally. With the exception of the royal members, women weren’t allowed in the Order until 1987, when the Queen decided to create full-fledged “Lady Companions,” the first of whom was Lavinia Fitzalan-Howard, the Duchess of Norfolk, who had been the Queen’s stand-in during rehearsals for the coronation, and who had regularly hosted Elizabeth II and Philip at her ancestral home, Arundel Castle, during the summertime Goodwood races. Intriguingly, Elizabeth II never honored her sister, Princess Margaret, although she appointed Princess Anne in 1994 and her cousin Princess Alexandra in 2003, both widely admired for their dedicated royal service.
Elizabeth the Queen Page 20