14. All these examples are taken from A Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum (British Museum Department of Manuscripts, 1819, reprinted 2012), pp. 24–29.
15. CSP Domestic 1547–1580, pp. 316 & 406.
16. British Library Additional MSS 48043, fol. 1–9. Bertie refuted Knox’s arguments one by one, arguing that he was inconsistent and sometimes contradicted himself. It was never published, nor is there any indication that it was seen by the queen.
17. The letter is dated 1579 in the Lansdowne MSS catalogue, but the last digit is obscure and could be read as a 2. Peregrine would have been twenty-three in June 1579, an age at which the stricture would have made little sense.
18. Salisbury MSS, part xiii [addenda] (1915), pp. 146–7. Mrs Read assumes that Katherine was worried that the young couple would marry without obtaining the queen’s permission and wanted Cecil to do his utmost to ensure that consent was forthcoming; but the implication is surely that she saw Elizabeth’s refusal as her last line of defence.
19. Ibid., part ii (1888), p. 156.
20. HMC Ancaster, p. 4.
21. Salisbury MSS, part ii (1888), p. 156.
22. Lansdowne MSS 25, no. 27. Read, Catherine, Duchess of Suffolk, pp. 184–5.
23. Salisbury MSS, part ii (1888), p. 173.
24. Ibid., p. 205.
25. Lansdowne MSS 25, no. 39. Read, Catherine, Duchess of Suffolk, pp. 189–190.
26. For a more detailed discussion of this see Melissa Harkrider, Women, Reform and Community, chapter 6. As early as 1547 the reformer John Olde had attributed the advancement of Protestantism in Lincolnshire to the ‘helping forwardness of that devout woman of God, the Duchess of Suffolk’. Ibid., p. 75, quoting Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 83.
27. CSP Domestic 1547–1580, p. 316. Goff, A Woman of the Tudor Age, p. 285.
28. Salisbury MSS, part i (1883), p. 482.
29. CSP Domestic 1547–1580, p. 411. Read, Catherine, Duchess of Suffolk, p. 174.
30. Lansdowne MSS 28, no. 65. Read, Ibid., p. 188.
Postscript: The Ravages of Time
1. HMC Ancaster, p. 5.
2. It would be reasonable to suppose that Katherine had known Lady Zouche and Lady Wray as well as she knew Mildred Cecil, but no correspondence or record of her dealings with them survives.
3. Lincolnshire Archives, Mon/27/3/1, pp. 312–5. (Copied from Ashmolean MSS 836, fol. 256.)
4. I am grateful to Nicola Tallis for discussing the etiquette of these occasions with me. It may be noted that Lady Jane Grey acted as chief mourner at Queen Catherine Parr’s funeral, and that Catherine Grey did likewise when her mother Frances was buried. The widowers, Thomas Seymour and Adrian Stokes, played no part.
5. Quoted by Maurice Howard in The Early Tudor Country House: Architecture and Politics 1490–1550 (1987), p. 132.
6. N. Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Suffolk (Harmondsworth, 1961), p. 361.
7. Maurice Howard suggests that Brandon was seeking to equal or surpass the house which the Thimelby family had recently built at Irnham, a few miles away. The Early Tudor Country House, p. 32.
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The place of publication is London unless otherwise stated.
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Henry VIII's Last Love: The Extraordinary Life of Katherine Willoughby, Lady-in-Waiting to the Tudors Page 21