This may also explain why the U.S. army under Patton was prevented from rolling back the Soviet army in 1945, after Germany had been defeated.
Our Ninth Army could have been in Berlin within a few hours, probably without shedding another drop of blood; but General Eisenhower suddenly halted our Army. He kept it sitting idly outside Berlin for days, while the Russians slugged their way in, killing, raping, ravaging. We gave the Russians control of the eastern portion of Berlin–and of all the territory surrounding the city. To the south, General Patton’s forces were plowing into Czechoslovakia. When Patton was thirty miles from Prague, the capital, General Eisenhower ordered him to stop–ordered him not to accept surrender of German soldiers, but to hold them at bay until the Russians could move up and accept surrender. As soon as the Russians were thus established as the conquerors of Czechoslovakia, Eisenhower ordered Patton to evacuate. (Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government)
In fact, Jewry had been at risk of losing “the Eastern half of its world power” since 1928 and the consolidation of power under Stalin. Stalin usurped Trotsky’s place as Lenin’s heir apparent and Rothschild’s choice, selectively reforming communist socialism and turning it into “bonapartism” (“socialism in one country”=nationalism as opposed to internationalism).
Stalin’s communism was “formal”; it was not based on the theory of “Permanent Revolution,” a Marxist term Trotsky had learned from Parvus. (The same intra-party dichotomy revealed itself within the NSDAP, when the left wing, headed by Gregor Strasser and allied to the S.A.’s Ernst Röhm-- “Webhave achieved the national revolution, but the social one is still outstanding”-- argued for further revolution, against Hitler’s “conservative” vision—”konservative revolutionäre Partei”-- Hitler speech, February 24, 1938).
The permanent revolution, in the sense which Marx attached to this concept, means a revolution which makes no compromise with any single form of class rule, which does not stop at the democratic stage, which goes over to socialist measures and to war against reaction from without; that is, a revolution whose every successive stage is rooted in the preceding one and which can end only in complete liquidation. (Trotsky, The Permanent Revolution, 1931).
Of course such utterances could be described as looney-tunes by any half-intelligent person, especially with hind-sight at the mayhem and devastation wrought by Communist theorists on Russia. However, when one reminds oneself that Marx’s work was written on commission for Rothschild -- it is said that there are two cheques in the British Museum made out to Karl Marx for several thousand pounds and signed by Nathan Rothschild, to finance the cause of Socialism -- these fantasies, whereby hitherto structured societies should be undermined by setting one “class” against another, leading to chaos and “ending only in complete liquidation,” acquire substance and become more than just an early World Domination Game.
Stalin’s alleged paranoia is easy explained when one considers that he must constantly have felt threatened by Jewish Trotskyists. He reduced the number of Jews in prominent positions and supposedly planned to send the entire Jewish population of the Soviet Union to Siberia, but he was at last unable to prevent his chief of the NKVD, Beria, a Jew, from poisoning him—as the latter claimed:
(After Stalin’s stroke, Beria claimed to have killed him. This aborted a final purge of Old Bolsheviks Anastas Mikoyan and Vyacheslav Molotov for which Stalin had been laying the groundwork in the year prior to his death. Shortly after Stalin’s death, Beria announced triumphantly to the Politburo that he had “done [Stalin] in” and “saved [us] all,” according to Molotov’s memoirs.—Sebag- Montefiore, 2005, Stalin: Court of the Red Tsar. Random House, 2005)
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I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe, and the whole world, as it is organised and worked by Jews, who have no nationality, and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things. . . (W.J. Oudendijk, Dutch minister to Russia at St. Petersburg, British Government White Paper, April, 1919 - Russia No.1)
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There is now definite evidence that Bolshevism is an international movement controlled by Jews; communications are passing between the leaders in America, France, Russia and England, with a view to concerted action. (Directorate of Intelligence, Home Office, Scotland Yard, London, in a Monthly Report to Foreign Embassies, July 16, 1919.)
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Besides obvious foreigners, Bolshevism recruited many adherents from among émigrés, who had spent many years abroad. Some of them had never been to Russia before. They especially numbered a great many Jews. They spoke Russian badly. The nation over which they had seized power was a stranger to them, and besides, they behaved as invaders in a conquered country. Throughout the Revolution generally and Bolshevism in particular the Jews occupied a very influential position. This phenomenon is both curious and complex. But the fact remains that such was the case in the primarily elected Soviet (the famous trio—Lieber, Dahn, Gotz), and all the more so in the second one.
In the Tsarist Government the Jews were excluded from all posts. Schools or Government service were closed to them. In the Soviet Republic all the committees and commissaries were filled with Jews. They often changed their Jewish name for a Russian one—Trotsky-Bronstein, Kamenev-Rozenfeld, Zinoviev-Apfelbaum, Steklov-Nakhamkes, and so on. But such a masquerade deceived no one, while the very pseudonyms of the commissaries only emphasised the international or rather the alien character of Bolshevist rule. This Jewish predominance among Soviet authorities caused the despair of those Russian Jews who, despite the cruel injustice of the Tsarist régime, looked upon Russia as their motherland, who lived the common life of the Russian intelligentsia and refused in common with them all collaboration with the Bolsheviks. (Ariadna Tyrkova-Williams, From Liberty to Brest-Litovsk, 1919) See remarks about German Jews above.
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Bolshevism is a close tyrannical bureaucracy, with a spy system more elaborate and terrible than the Tsar’s, and an aristocracy as insolent and unfeeling, composed of Americanised Jews. No vestige of liberty remains, in thought or speech or action. (Bertrand Russell, Autobiography, p. 354)
Alexander Solzhenitsyn, deemed the greatest conservative writer of our times by many, cites 1918 as the date Red Terror was born. A terrorist named Apfelbaum proclaimed the mass death sentence: “The bourgeoisie can kill some individuals, but we can murder whole classes of people.”
Apfelbaum, who entered the history books as Zinoviev, wanted to send ten million Russians (ten out of each one hundred) to the smouldering ovens of the class war. German historian Prof. Dr. Ernst Nolte states that this pronouncement of September 17, 1918 sounds almost unbelievable in its monstrosity; Apfelbaum formulated this holocaust sentence:
From the population of a hundred million in Soviet Russia, we must win over ninety million to our side. We have nothing to say to the others. They have to be exterminated.
We do not wage war against individuals. We are exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class. Do not look during an investigation for evidence that the accused acted, by word or deed, against the Soviet power. The first question we ask is: to what class does he belong, what are his origins, upbringing, education or profession? These questions should decide the fate of the accused. This is the essence of the Red Terror. (Martin Latsis (born Janis Sudrabs), Cheka commander (George Leggett, The Cheka: Lenin’s Political Police [Clarendon Press, 1981], p. 114)
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As far as the bourgeoisie are concerned, the tactics of mass extermination must be introduced. Martin Latsis (Bruce Lincoln, Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War [Simon and Schuster, 1989], p. 160)
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“We are engaged in exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class. You need not prove that this or that man acted against the interests of the Soviet powe
r. The first thing you have to ask an arrested person is: To what class does he belong, where does he come from, what kind of education did he have, what is his occupation? These questions are to decide the fate of the accused. That is the quintessence of the Red Terror.” (Tolczyk, Dariusz See no evil: Literary cover-ups and discoveries of the Soviet camp experience, Yale University Press, 1999, p.19)
SOLZHENITSYN, SVERDLOVSK, NICHOLAS II
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Solzhenitsyn traces the rise in Judeophobia, among other things, back to the brutal Bolshevistic suppression of peasant and citizen uprisings, the slaughter of priests and bishops, especially the village clergy, and finally, the extermination of the nobility, culminating in the murder of the Tsar and his family.
Jakov Sverdlovsk (Jankel Solomon) ordered the murder of the Tsar and his family (17 July 1918), possibly at the instigation of Jacob Schiff, who feared that the approaching Czechoslovak legions might free them.) During the decisive years of the Civil War (1918-1920) the secret police (Cheka) was controlled by Bolshevistic Jews. The commandants of the various prisons were usually from Poland or Latvia.
Before the October Revolution, Bolshevism was not the numerically strongest movement among the Jews. (p. 73) Solzhenitsyn recalls that immediately before the Revolution, the Bolshevistic Jews Trotsky and Kamenev concluded a military alliance with three Jewish social revolutionaries - Natanson, Steinberg, and Kamkov. What Solzhenitsyn is saying is that Lenin’s military putsch, from the purely military point of view, relied on a Jewish network. The collaboration between Trotsky and his coreligionists in the Left Social Revolutionary parties assured Lenin’s success in the Palace revolt of October 1917.
Whoever holds the opinion that the revolution was not a Russian, but an alien-led revolution points to the Yiddish family names or pseudonyms to exonerate the Russian people for the revolution. On the other hand, those who try to minimize the over-proportional representation of Jews in the Bolshevik seizure of power may sometimes claim that they were not religious Jews, but rather, apostates, renegades, and atheists.
There are many Jews and Jewesses among the Bolsheviks. Their main characteristics - self-righteousness, aggressive tactlessness and presumptive arrogance - are painfully evident. Bolshevism is found contemptible in the Ukraine. The preponderance of Jewish physiognomies, especially in the Cheka, evokes an extremely virulent hatred of Jews among the people.
In 1922 exiled Social Revolutionaries E. Kuskova and S. Maslov, both Jews, reported: “Judeophobia has spread throughout present-day Russia. It has even spread to areas in which previously no Jews had even lived and where there was never a Jewish Question. […] Bolshevism today is - without any doubt - identified with Jewish rule.” Or colloquially expressed: “Aron Moiseyevich Tankelwich today walks in the place of Ivan Ivanov.”
Kuskova and Maslov reported further: “New slogans have appeared on the walls of the high schools – ‘Smash the Jews, Save the Soviets’; ‘Beat the Jews Up, Save the Councils.’”
In other words, the revolutionary jargon of that day wanted to keep the Soviets and the Soviet rule, but without Jews. “Smash the Jews” was not the slogan of the Black Hundreds from the pogroms of Tsarist times, but the battle cry of young Russian communards five years after the Great October. (Wolfgang Strauss, Solzhenitsyn 200 Years Together, p. 229)
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The word “pogrom” (a Russian one meaning “massacre”) plays an especial part in this propaganda. It is applied to any kind of disturbance in which Jews are involved and has by suggestion been given this specific, though false significance, so that the casual reader might suspect a misprint if he were to read of “a pogrom of Russians” (or of Arabs). (Douglas Reed, The Controversy of Zion, p.321)
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As for execution by poison gas, it was the Leftist-socialist-communists that actually used it or advocated using it: “I don’t want to punish anybody, but there are an extraordinary number of people who I might want to kill…I think it would be a good thing to make everybody come before a properly appointed board just as he might come before the income tax commissioner and say every 5 years or every 7 years…just put them there and say , ‘Sir or madam will you be kind enough to justify your existence…if you’re not producing as much as you consume or perhaps a little bit more then clearly we cannot use the big organization of our society for the purpose of keeping you alive. Because your life does not benefit us and it can’t be of very much use to yourself.’ I appeal to the chemists to discover a humane gas that will kill instantly and painlessly. In short- a gentlemanly gas deadly by all means, but humane, not cruel.” (George Bernard Shaw, Daily News, July 24, 1938)
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The mobile gassing truck was invented and tested by Isay Davidovich Berg, head of the NKVD Economics Division in the Moscow region. In 1937, a second highpoint in the Great Purge, prisoners were sentenced to death in conveyor-belt fashion, packed into trucks, taken to the places of execution, shot in the back of the neck, and buried. In the economic sense, Isay Berg found this method of liquidation inefficient, time-consuming and cost-intensive. He, therefore, in 1937 designed the mobile asphyxiation chamber, the gassing truck (Russian: dushegubka, p. 297). The doomed were loaded into a tightly sealed, completely airtight Russian Ford; during the drive the deadly exhaust from a gasoline engine was directed into the section containing those sentenced to death. Upon reaching the mass gravesite, the truck dumped the corpses into the burial ditch. (200 Years Together. The Jews in the Soviet Union), Herbig, Munich, 2003)
(Sound familiar? Of course, there’s nothing like accusing your enemy falsely of your own crimes.)
Communism has indeed abolished wealth in Russia. The wealth of those “liquidated” millions of the intelligentsia, aristocratic, middle, and small-land-holding classes, who have been killed or leveled down, has made way for universal poverty. Thirty per cent of the poorer portion of the 160,000,000 Russian population still remain to be dispossessed or “liquidated,” and so, unceasingly, great train loads of those resisting “collectivization” travel the rails to Siberia. Ellery Walter counted, recently, in four weeks’ time, seventeen train loads, some forty cars long, of such people. Men, women and children peered out at him through the bars. They were enroute to hard labor, prison camps, or death in Siberia. (Elizabeth Dilling, The Red Network, 1934)
(Again, who used “cattle cars”?)
Solzhenitsyn’s chronicle from hell (Gulag Archipelago) prompts the question of why today the historical reality of the Gulag is much less widely and passionately remembered than is the persecution of the Jews under National Socialism...
In Germany, the land of the Adornos and Friedmans, the dreadful accusation of anti-Semitism is held in the ready for anyone who wants to use it at anytime; it is omnipresent and inexpensive, and packs a deadly explosive force socially and professionally... In Germany the deadly threat of the anti-Semitism shibboleth prevents an objective discussion of the anthropological roots of the theme Solzhenitsyn has illuminated. (The End of the Legends, a Review of Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s latest works, Wolfgang Strauss, Munich, Oct. 31/Nov. 7, 2002 / Jan. 30./31 2003/Sept. 17./30, 2003 First published in Vierteljahreshefte für freie Geschichtsforschung 7(3&4) (2003), pp. 451-460. Translated by Dan Michaels.)
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There is scarcely an event in modern Europe that cannot be traced back to the Jews. We Jews are today nothing else but the World’s seducers, its destroyers, its incendiaries, its executioners. (Jewish scholar, Oscar Levy; in his preface to G. Lane-Fox Pitt Rivers, The World Significance of the Russian Revolution, 1920)
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The influence of the Jews may be traced in the last outbreak of the destructive principle in Europe. An insurrection takes place against tradition and aristocracy, against religion and property . . . the natural equality of men and the abrogation of property are proclaimed by the Secret Societies which form Provisional Governments, and men of the Jewish race are found at the head of every one of them.
The people of
God cooperate with atheists; the most skilful accumulators of property ally themselves with Communists; the peculiar and chosen race touch the hand of all the scum and low castes of Europe; and all this because they wish to destroy that ungrateful Christendom which owes them even its name, and whose tyranny they can no longer endure. (Disraeli: Life of Lord George Bentinck, Colburn & Co., London, 1852, page 496.)
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We, the Jews, are a people – one people. When we sink, we become revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of a revolutionary party; when we rise, there arises also our terrible power of the purse. (Theodore Herzl, The Jewish State, 1896)
“Money is the God of our time and Rothschild is its prophet.” (Heine, 1841) Better said, the Rothschilds can predict the movement of money because they manage it themselves.
For those whose only measure is money, who are congenitally unable to understand that money has no intrinsic worth but is only a facilitator, a means to an end, until their plan succeeds, frustration must stalk their every waking hour. For gentiles unblemished by the Jewish world view in which the middleman is king, the purchase that money enables is an end in itself. The house, the painting, the child’s education is the goal. Profit is not. Watching those simple gentiles restoring art, instead of buying it, or working at some other learned craft, instead of paying someone else to do it—wasting their time, when they could be haggling to get the best bargain—is incomprehensible, contemptible to Jews. The truth is that they resent this curious sufficiency. Inevitably, the surmise that gentiles understand true worth arouses their envy and hatred. However poor, hapless or uneducated, gentiles have roots because they belong to a culture. Even billions cannot buy such foundations. In fact, these billions might as well be the rags and stench of a gypsy encampment or other migratory parasite, for all that they will humanize their owners. One can buy titles, build mansions, collect art and famous wineries, but such expressions of permanence are illusory: one cannot gain roots or a culture by acquisition, no matter how much money one spends.
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