The Hostage's Daughter

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The Hostage's Daughter Page 1

by Sulome Anderson




  DEDICATION

  For everybody who believed in me

  and

  everybody who didn’t.

  And for my parents, who did the best they could.

  CONTENTS

  DEDICATION

  INTRODUCTION

  1. The Superman

  2. The Abduction

  3. The Boogeymen

  4. The Resistance

  5. The Rabbit Hole

  6. The Spooks

  7. The Conspiracy Theory

  8. The Warlords

  9. The Human Intelligence

  10. The Release

  11. The Integration

  12. The Joyful Entitlement

  EPILOGUE

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  SOURCE LIST

  ABOUT THE AUTHOR

  PRAISE

  CREDITS

  COPYRIGHT

  ABOUT THE PUBLISHER

  INTRODUCTION

  In a mad world, only the mad are sane.

  —AKIRA KUROSAWA

  As far back as I can remember, maybe age three, I was aware of what was happening to my father. I didn’t know exactly how dire the situation was, but I always knew, on some level, that he might be killed at any moment. Though my mother never came right out and said it, it’s hard to protect a child from something like that.

  Here are the barest facts: In March 1985, my father, Terry Anderson, the Associated Press bureau chief for the Middle East at the time, was kidnapped in Beirut by a Shiite Muslim militant group known as the Islamic Jihad Organization. It was one of the militias that came to be associated by most with the Hezbollah movement, which has since become the single most powerful force in Lebanon. My mother was six months pregnant with me when he was taken. Dad was one of ninety-six foreigners kidnapped in Lebanon during the 1980s, ten of whom died, in an episode known as the Lebanese hostage crisis. He was released after almost seven years, and I met him for the first time.

  But facts are cold, impersonal things, and you can find those in any book about the kidnappings. You can find them in the hundreds of archived news stories about my father and mother and me; in the TV appearances that wrapped up our happy ending like a chocolate, soon to be discarded uneaten.

  This is not that sort of book. This is what happened when the cameras went away and we were left unobserved, blinking in the dark. It’s the legacy of trauma I was born with and how it led me to ask questions about the event that shaped my life.

  I’m now a journalist working in Beirut, the city where it all started—just as Dad was. This is my story, but it’s also the story of Lebanon, a place haunted by the phantoms of a bloody fifteen-year conflict, forever peering into the maw of another disaster. The tiny, politically exhausted country is currently sandwiched between war-ravaged Syria and Israel, its enemy and former occupier. As I write this in January 2016, Hezbollah, now the country’s dominant militia and political party, stretches itself thin. In Syria, the Iranian-backed Shia group joins president Bashar al-Assad’s brutal regime in battling rebel fighters and the terrorist caliphate calling itself the Islamic State. While spending itself in Assad’s war, Hezbollah never stops warily eyeing Lebanon’s southern border with Israel, preparing for an almost inevitable conflict with its longtime nemesis.

  Meanwhile, sectarian Lebanese politicians are hopelessly deadlocked and unable to reach a consensus on electing a president—the country has been leaderless for more than a year and a half. The Lebanese parliament is so fractious it hasn’t been able to agree on a company to dispose of Beirut’s trash since last July. Stinking mounds of garbage decorate almost every main road in the city now. After watching it accumulate for months, the Lebanese have taken to burning the refuse. Across Beirut, plumes of reeking black smoke curl up to the sky. The once-lovely city is swaddled in a heavy smog you can almost taste, and when the roads flood with winter rain, they spread the filth with them. By some miracle, the country continues to sputter along, but it has become painfully obvious that the situation is unsustainable. As a friend recently put it, Lebanon now has the dubious honor of being the world’s most successful failed state.

  In November 2015, the Islamic State carried out coordinated suicide attacks in a neighborhood I often visit, killing forty-four people. It was the most recent in a series of bombings targeting Shia areas of Beirut, where Hezbollah reigns supreme. But a few short months later, life in the city continues and the incident seems to have been largely forgotten by all except the relatives of the dead. The Lebanese have lived with the daily threat of terrorism for so long that it has become almost unremarkable to them.

  Americans are less accustomed to these perilous circumstances. The Islamic Jihad’s spate of suicide bombings and kidnappings in Lebanon during the eighties was one of the first incarnations of modern-day terrorism against the United States. At the time my father was taken, these types of politically motivated attacks against Western civilians were unusual.

  Nowadays, the threat of random political violence is part of our global reality. The day after the Beirut bombings in November, several Islamic State terrorists simultaneously attacked locations in Paris, including a café and a concert hall. One hundred and thirty people died, and the group claims to just be getting started. Its members have threatened to carry out more attacks in heavily populated areas such as New York City’s Times Square and Washington, D.C. Shortly after the Paris killings, a married couple described as “radicalized” Muslims opened fire at a holiday party in San Bernardino, California, killing fourteen people. Muslims in the United States are being targeted with reactionary bigotry. Donald Trump, the unlikely front-runner in the race for the Republican presidential nomination, threatened to issue special IDs for American Muslims and ban all Muslims from immigrating to the country if he is elected. The world holds its breath, waiting for the next blow to fall.

  This is a scenario I am not unfamiliar with. In many ways, my life has been defined by terrorism. I began the journey of writing this book in order to investigate the act of violence that shaped me, for better or worse. I had a goal in mind: I wanted to learn about the men who took my father and what they did. Their actions sent ripples of turmoil and chaos through my life; a series of little shock waves that molded my psyche. I thought perhaps if I could just understand something important about the situation that created these people, I’d be able to process the years of agony they had inflicted on my father, and in a very different way, on myself. I decided to report on Dad’s captivity in order to discover what could drive his kidnappers to chain and torture another human being for political reasons. I wanted to know how a person becomes a terrorist.

  I had no way of foreseeing that I would be confronted by more answers than I was ready for—answers that are especially relevant thirty years later, as we all struggle to make sense of our own boogeymen in the dark.

  This book will follow two braided narratives. One story is my investigation of Dad’s kidnapping; the other is the effect his captivity had on my life. With this approach, I hope to communicate that for each tale of grief and horror you read in the news, there are untold numbers of family members and loved ones who are never whole again.

  The structure is also meant as a reminder to politicians and political actors: their choices are not without consequences. It’s easy to make decisions that dictate people’s lives while sitting in comfortable offices. Hurting others seems simple, when it’s done for what they see as the greater good or to achieve maximum benefit for themselves. But they should know that people are not chess pieces. We are human beings, and their machinations do not exist in a vacuum. To everyone who has the power of life and death over others: Consider your actions in the long term. Try to calculate the ripple effect they might have,
not just politically, but emotionally. Find your humanity before you play with our lives.

  And lastly, my story is about reporting conflict in the Middle East. In many ways, this career was chosen for me while I was still in the womb. It has brought endless fulfillment and grief to my life in equal measure. This is about how journalism broke my family and my mind, and then helped put me back together.

  1. THE SUPERMAN

  All I know is just what I read in the papers, and that’s an alibi for my ignorance.

  —WILL ROGERS

  NOW

  The Hezbollah press office is not easy to find. My taxi driver picks me up at my mother’s house in the wealthy Christian neighborhood of Fanar, about fifteen minutes outside of Beirut proper. My boyfriend Jeremy, who constantly frets about me thousands of miles away in New York, made me promise to hire an armed driver who could “throw down if necessary.” Jeremy’s Orthodox Jewish background keeps him away from Lebanon. Despite my descriptions of the hipster neighborhood of Mar Mikhail or the lavish beach parties featuring gorgeous Lebanese women squeezed into tiny bits of cloth, as far as he’s concerned, the country might as well be Somalia.

  I am of the opinion that the last thing I need on a trip to Dahiyeh, the Shia neighborhood in south Beirut and Hezbollah’s primary stronghold in the city, is a shady-looking driver/bodyguard packing a weapon. I assured him I would look for one, but I take taxis most everywhere; after all, Beirut is hardly an active war zone. Yet.

  This particular driver, named Antoine, seems jittery as we pass a Hezbollah checkpoint. Given the Islamic State’s series of bombings and attacks on Hezbollah over the past couple of years, his quavering under the steely gazes of the young men peering into each car is understandable. Besides, even in March 2014, twenty-three years after the civil war between Lebanon’s opposing sects ended, many Christians still dislike venturing into Dahiyeh. During one of her customary interrogations this morning, my mother, who is Maronite, had a minor shit fit when she learned I was planning to come here, even in broad daylight. My overall policy with her has always been: do first; apologize later. I like to avoid her anxious diatribes whenever possible. Always the detective, though, she often manages to elicit information from me, and I had to fend her off before jumping into Antoine’s car.

  Most people—at least, most Americans—might be surprised to discover that Hezbollah has a press office. That’s because most Americans don’t fully grasp the concept that a group on the State Department’s list of terrorist organizations is also the most influential political party in Lebanon. Its political power is exponentially strengthened by the fact that Hezbollah happens to be the country’s most fearsome militia, dedicated (according to them) to resisting Israeli military designs on the tiny, war-weary nation. The group is armed to the teeth thanks to the patronage of Iran and Syria, and its military power outstrips that of the Lebanese army. In recent years, Gulf nations such as Saudi Arabia have tried to combat Hezbollah’s military superiority by making extravagant donations to the army; another move in the proxy war between Sunni and Shia that joins the long list of proxy wars playing out in Lebanon since before the civil war.

  In any case, the Hezbollah press office is a logical place to start my investigation into the circumstances of my father’s kidnapping. I’ve always been told that the Islamic Jihad Organization, the group that claimed responsibility for his captivity, was just another one of Hezbollah’s many faces. According to the U.S. government narrative, the Islamic Jihad’s acts of terror during the war, including bombings of the U.S. embassy and marine barracks as well as the kidnapping of Western hostages, should be laid squarely at Hezbollah’s feet. If I want to understand the context of my father’s kidnapping, who better to approach than the people charged with taking him?

  I know the chances of Hezbollah officials agreeing to speak with me are slim, but I also know Hezbollah has tried hard to escape the accusations of terrorism that have dogged it since the war. Following his release, my father actually interviewed Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s infamous secretary-general, for CNN. If Nasrallah himself spoke to my dad, perhaps someone from the group will give me a statement, even a vague one.

  Now Antoine and I are driving around Dahiyeh in circles, stopping every five feet or so to ask passersby for directions to an “address” for the office I have found online. I use quotation marks because, like most addresses in Lebanon, it basically consists of instructions that read something like “the big white building by the dekkane [grocery] on the main street.”

  The passersby are less than obliging. Perhaps they don’t know what to make of a nervous Christian taxi driver and his foreign-looking female passenger. In any case, most of them suspiciously deny knowing the whereabouts of the building, and some just shake their heads and keep walking. By some miracle, when asked where the muqawama (resistance) meets with sahafiyeen (journalists), one of them points us in the right direction, which of course bears no resemblance to the address I have written in my notebook.

  They moved the office, the man says helpfully in Arabic, which I speak well, if not quite fluently.

  We pull up to the unobtrusive building, where another serious young man motions for Antoine to wait in the tiny parking lot while I am to go upstairs. He’s very polite to me as I make my way to the elevator.

  “Ahla w sahla.” He smiles. You are welcome here. His heavily accented English is jarring, like stones dropped into a river.

  I encounter the same friendliness from the two hijab-clad women who seem to be in charge of dealing with journalists. They serve me coffee, then ask why I am honoring them with a visit. They speak perfect English.

  “I’m a journalist,” I begin. “I write for several magazines.” I list them off: New York magazine, The Atlantic, Foreign Policy, and Vice, knowing most of the names probably won’t mean much here.

  “I’m also working on a book,” I continue carefully. “It’s about my father, Terry Anderson. He was held hostage during the war. They say the muqawama took him, but I’m trying to figure out the truth of that. I’d really like to speak with someone from the party, if that’s possible.”

  The women look at each other, then at me, all smiles. “That will be very difficult,” one says. “But please fill out this request form and we will call you back within a week.”

  I do so, thank them for their hospitality, and head downstairs. In the lobby, the man who greeted me upon my arrival stops me.

  Thank you for coming, he says in Arabic. Please visit us anytime.

  “Shukran.” I thank him. “Allah ma’ak.” God be with you.

  I go outside and jump back into Antoine’s taxi. He seems relieved to see me.

  I wait a week, then two. They never call.

  Throughout my father’s captivity, I idealized him beyond all reason. Everyone told me he was a hero, and I always pictured an actual superhero. I kept a picture of him under my pillow and kissed it every night before going to sleep. On my birthdays my mother pretended some of my presents were from him—she even mailed them to our house, with letters she signed with his name, saying how much he missed me. I frequently asked her when he was coming home; every time, she said, “Soon.”

  Whatever shelter my mother tried to provide me from the dark reality of our situation wasn’t enough to prevent me from absorbing it. She would close the door to her bedroom when she cried, but I could always hear her.

  Besides, growing up as I did around war correspondents, death always seemed nearby. I knew people could be hurt; I knew they screamed when they were, and then sometimes, they were gone forever. I remember being four or five and walking into the living room to find my mother and some of my father’s friends watching horrible, gruesome footage they had spliced together with that eerie, experimental Laurie Anderson song “O Superman.” My mom had worked for ABC News before my father was taken, and they had hours of live coverage that was too gory to show on TV. Someone had decided to make a montage, complete with soundtrack, I don’t know why.
Nor do I know why they were watching it that evening; maybe my mom missed being in the field. She’d given up her career when she had me—a career for which she had worked hard, and she’d been very proud of it. Twenty-five years later, I still remember details from the video: bombs exploding, disembodied limbs decorating piles of rubble, blood painting the streets, rapid staccato gunfire.

  I remember that we had a couple of false alarms, when they thought maybe my father was dead. I think my mom sat me down one day and told me there was a chance he might not come home—the first and only time she wavered in her assurances that he’d be back soon. But then his kidnappers would release another video of him, or maybe some photographs. He would read from a script—angry anti-American propaganda I didn’t understand—then look into the camera and tell my mother and me that he loved us. In retrospect, he looked half-dead already in those videos: paper white, with haunted eyes over a bushy beard. I grew up loving this frail image on a screen. At the time, I didn’t think about how diminished he seemed compared to the hefty, smiling man in the photograph under my pillow. He was my daddy, thin now, but still perfect, and he loved me.

  When I was five, Brian Keenan, one of the men who were held with my father, was released after almost five years in captivity. Mama and I visited him in Ireland. He was yellow-skinned and painfully gaunt. He tried to put sugar in his tea and was shaking so hard he spilled it all over the table. I promptly threw a massive tantrum, and my mother took me upstairs to try to calm me. I only stopped crying when she told me how we were going to nurse my father back to health when he got home. I often fantasized about that after seeing him in one of those videotapes—feeding him soup, taking him for walks.

  And my father likewise got to see us on TV. This was thanks to my mother’s decision to let film crews from various news channels visit our home in Cyprus to document special occasions like my father’s birthdays, and my own. My mother didn’t want to raise me in front of cameras, but she allowed it because she hoped my father’s kidnappers might let him watch his daughter grow up on television. And so they did, permitting him to see us on the news from time to time. Later, my father said my tiny, freckled nose had looked like a button, there on the screen. That’s what he called me sometimes after he came home—Button.

 

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