20. Of the several accounts of the origins of Keswick, the most accurate appears to be Steven Barabas, So Great Salvation: The History and Message of the Keswick Convention (Westwood, N.J. n. d.), pp. 15–28. Also very valuable is Bundy, Keswick: A Bibliographic Introduction. J. C. Pollock, The Keswick Story: The Authorized History of the Keswick Convention (London, 1964) is detailed and based on considerable research. Pollock provides the most detailed account of the Smith scandal. See also Warfield, “‘Higher Life,’” Perfectionism, II, pp. 463–558, on Keswick origins.
21. H. W. Webb-Peploe, “Sin” (1885), “Grace” (1885), Keswick’s Authentic Voice; Sixty-five Dynamic Addresses Delivered at the Keswick Convention 1875–1957, Herbert F. Stevenson, ed. (Grand Rapids, 1959), pp. 31–40, 144–50, cf. p. 26. Cf. also Barabas, So Great Salvation, pp. 165–69.
22. W. H. Griffith Thomas frequently used these categories in defending Keswick; e.g., “Must Christians Sin?” (tract) (Chicago, n. d., available at Moody Bible Institute archives).
23. Barabas, So Great Salvation, pp. 47–51; Arthur T. Pierson, “Unsubdued Sin” (1907), Keswick’s Triumphant Voice: Forty-Eight Addresses Delivered at the Keswick Convention, 1882–1962, Herbert F. Stevenson, ed. (Grand Rapids, 1963), p. 106.
24. Barabas, So Great Salvation, pp. 128–47; Andrew Murray, “The Carnal Christian” (1895), Keswick’s Triumphant Voice, pp. 84–93. Later in the twentieth century these ideas, especially as formulated by Murray, were given wide publicity by Bill Bright of Campus Crusade for Christ International. See, for instance, their tract “Have You Made the Wonderful Discovery of the Spirit-filled Life?” (San Bernardino, Calif., 1966).
25. Murray, “The Carnal Christian,” pp. 84–93.
26. Barabas, So Great Salvation, pp. 110–21, 149–50.
27. Reuben Torrey, “Why God Used D. L. Moody,” (pamphlet), Sword of the Lord edition (Murfreesboro, Tenn., n. d. [1923]), p. 57. Cf. James F. Findlay, Jr., Dwight L. Moody (Chicago, 1969), p. 132.
28. Early Keswick participants received instruction: “Do not dispute with any, but rather pray with those who differ from you.” Charles F. Harford, ed., The Keswick Convention: Its Message, Its Method, and Its Men (London, 1907), p. 8.
29. Such themes are prominent, for instance, in Ira D. Sankey, Sankey’s Story of the Gospel Hymns, 3rd Ed. (Philadelphia, 1906), a compilation of stories he used to introduce hymns at revivals.
30. Cf. Findlay, Moody, pp. 341–42. Stanley N. Gundry, Love Them In (Chicago, 1976), pp. 153–60 has a helpful account of Moody’s views.
31. E.g. undated letter A. J. Gordon to his wife; Ernest B. Gordon, Adoniram Judson Gordon (New York, 1896), p. 176.
32. A College of Colleges, Led by D. L. Moody, T. J. Shanks, ed. (Chicago, 1887), p. 217.
33. Torrey, “Why God Used D. L. Moody,” pp. 57–59.
34. Torrey apparently formulated his views on the Holy Spirit somewhat independently of Keswick teachers and persisted in using the phrase “The Baptism with the Holy Spirit.” Perhaps because of this terminology, Torrey has sometimes been taken as a precursor of the Pentecostal movement, although in fact he was adamantly opposed to tongues-speaking. Cf. Horace S. Ward, Jr., “The Anti-Pentecostal Argument,” Aspects, Synan, ed., pp. 108–109. Torrey also did not hold the Holiness idea of the eradication of sin in the believer. In 1904 (when he was on his world-wide tour) he was received with unusual enthusiasm at Keswick. Keswick’s Triumphant Voice, pp. 320–321. See Torrey, “How to Receive the Holy Ghost,” Ibid., pp. 347–363, which indicates his broad agreement with Keswick teachings. Torrey, What the Bible Teaches (New York, 1898), presents a systematic account, pp. 269–280. Among other statements, the most complete is, The Person and Work of the Holy Spirit (Grand Rapids, 1968 [1910]).
35. The Person and Ministry of the Holy Spirit, A. C. Dixon, ed. (Baltimore, 1890), pp. vi and passim.
36. The usual story is that the “Old Guard” at Northfield, including Pierson, Scofield, Erdman, Needham, accused Moody of allowing heresy at the conference by inviting Keswick speaker F. B. Meyer; but then these men were soon won to Meyer’s position. Cf. Sandeen, Roots, p. 176; Shelley, “Sources,” p. 73. The source of this story, however, is a recollection of a recollection of James Gray many years later. William M. Runyan, ed., Dr. Gray at Moody Bible Institute (New York, 1935), pp. 5–8. The degree of this conflict, however, must have been overstated in this account. George Needham and W. J. Erdman were prominent in the conference on the Holy Spirit in 1890. Moreover, A. J. Gordon, whose book The Twofold Life (New York, 1883) taught with its own terminology a view close to Keswick’s (cf. note 37 below), had been a teacher at Northfield in the 1880s. On the other side, there was a definite gain in acceptance of explicit Keswick teachings in these years when Keswick speakers came to Northfield. J. Wilbur Chapman dedicated his book, Received Ye the Holy Ghost? (New York, 1894) to F. B. Meyer who “two years ago … opened up a new life to me….” A. T. Pierson said he did not appreciate the spiritual force of the teachings until he heard Webb-Peploe at Northfield in 1895, J. Kennedy MacLean, ed. Dr. Pierson and His Message, (London, n. d.), p. 35. Scofield’s dedication to holiness views dated from this same period, Charles Gallaudet Trumbull, The Life of C. I. Scofield (New York, 1920), pp. 66–68.
37. Gordon, like Torrey, apparently developed his view before there were Keswick influences in America. He emphasized two stages in the life of the believer, the second being marked by a definite experience of being filled with the Holy Ghost. This experience imparts “power from God….” He denied perfectionism, saying our sinful natures were only “repressed.” He said of Spirit-filled Christians, “if they have not gained full victory, they have at least enjoyed ‘the truce of God’ for a season.” The Twofold Life: Or Christ’s Work for Us and Christ’s Work In Us, 2nd ed. (New York, 1884 [1883]), pp. 47; iv; 143.
38. Plain Papers on the Doctrine of the Holy Spirit, p. 73. Torrey said, “The Baptism with the Holy Spirit is absolutely necessary in every Christian for the service that Christ demands and expects of him.” What the Bible Teaches, p. 278. Torrey emphasizes “power in service” as the result of this baptism. Holiness is the condition for such baptisms, not the result. Ibid., pp. 272–80. Scofield would not use the term “baptism of the Holy Spirit” for such experiences (but rather “fillings”) because he took this term to refer to the Pentecost experience of Acts 2 which he placed before this dispensation, when the Gospel was extended to the Gentiles in Acts 10. Plain Papers, pp. 39–50.
39. Introduction, The Person and Ministry of the Holy Spirit, p. 2; cf. S. D. Gordon, Quiet Talks on Power (Chicago, 1903), p. 164; cf. Paul Rader, How to Win Victory and Other Messages (New York, 1919), pp. 16–17.
40. Cf. Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York 1966 [1962]), pp. 172–196. See also Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (Boston, 1918), pp. 379–90. The fundamentalist movement generally allowed women only quite subordinate roles. When experiential emphasis predominated, the idea that Pentecost opened a dispensation when women would prophesy (as the prophet Joel suggested) might be accepted. Yet the Baconian Biblicism conflicted with such ideals, due to the Pauline statements about women. Apparently even in Holiness traditions the role of women in the church declined during the fundamentalist era. Cf. Dayton, Evangelical Heritage, pp. 85–98.
41. The Holy Spirit in Life and Service: Addresses Delivered before the Conference on the Ministry of the Holy Spirit Held in Brooklyn, N. Y. Oct. 1894, A. C. Dixon, ed. (New York, 1895).
IX. The Social Dimensions of Holiness
1. (New York, 1900).
2. “The Holy Spirit in His Relation to Rescue Work” The Holy Spirit in Life and Service, A. C. Dixon, ed. (New York, 1895), pp. 116–19.
3. “The Holy Spirit in His Relation to City Evangelization,” ibid., pp. 129–30.
4. Aaron I. Abell, Urban Impact on American Protestantism 1865–1900 (Cambridge, Mass., 1943), p. 249.
5. “Normal Industrial Institute for Colored Young Men and
Women,” The King’s Business: Proceedings of the World’s Convention of Christians at Work and the Seventh Annual Convention of Christian Workers in the United States and Canada … Boston … 1892 (New Haven, 1893), p. 260. Washington’s account of his 1893 trip to the Atlanta convention is in Up From Slavery: An Autobiography (New York, 1923 [1900]), pp. 204–5.
6. “Religion a Practical Thing,” King’s Business, pp. 241–42. The reports included a long list of rescue mission workers, Jacob Riis on tenement conditions, and many special ministries.
7. Revivalism and Social Reform (New York, 1965 [1957]), pp. 148–77.
8. Stephen Tyng, Sr., in an introduction to his son’s book, He Will Come; Or, Meditations Upon the Return of the Lord Jesus Christ to Reign over the Earth (New York, 1878), p. 9, remarks that he personally adopted premillennial views “many years hence.” The Tyngs were also close friends of George Duffield, Sr. and Jr. (who were prominent premillennial spokesmen at mid-century and also notably progressive on social issues). Cf. George Marsden, The Evangelical Mind and the New School Presbyterian Experience (New Haven, 1970), pp. 190–98.
9. Abell, Urban Impact, pp. 28–29. Last quotation is from New York Tribune, Feb. 25, 1878, p. 2.
10. Stephen Tyng, Jr., He Will Come, p. 192; cf. Tyng, Sr.’s, introduction, pp. 10–11, which also stresses holiness.
11. Revivalism and Social Reform, p. 172n.
12. Abell, Urban Impact, pp. 155–56.
13. Ibid., pp. 157–58.
14. Ernest B. Gordon, Adoniram Judson Gordon (New York, 1896), pp. 106–16. In addition Gordon reportedly worked for “the relief of the unemployed, unrestrained freedom of speech, … the protection of Chinese immigrants” and for “state-controlled versus Catholic parochial schools.” Ibid., p. 116. A. J. Gordon considered Pentecost to open up a new status for women in the church, allowing them to preach. “Ministry of Women,” Missionary Review of the World VII (December, 1894). I am indebted to Becky Garber for this point.
15. “The Baptism of the Holy Ghost,” The King’s Business, p. 459, cf. pp. 459–70. This was a prominent theme at the Christian Worker’s Convention as indicated by speeches in the same volume by Maurice Baldwin, “The Meaning of the Word Christian,” and Stephen Merrit, “The Baptism of the Holy Ghost: Christian Work Before and After.”
16. Cf. William M. Menzies, “Non-Wesleyan Origins of the Pentecostal Movement,” Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, Vinson Synan, ed. (Plainfield, N.J., 1975), p. 88. Simpson’s “fourfold Gospel” was Christ the Savior, the Sanctifier, the Healer, the Coming King.
17. The Church of the Nazarene fit a very similar pattern of Holiness concern for the poor in its early years. Cf. Timothy L. Smith, Called Unto Holiness: The Story of the Nazarenes: The Formative Years (Kansas City, Mo., 1962).
18. Norris Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Work, 1865–1920 (Metuchen, N.J., 1977), is the best and most thorough account of these movements. Donald W. Dayton, Discovering an Evangelical Heritage (New York, 1976), also provides some helpful insights.
19. (New York), pp. 108–27.
20. Forward Movements, p. 353. Pierson also wrote a biography of premillennial Brethren philanthropist, George Müller of Bristol (New York, 1905).
21. The Christian Herald and Signs of the Times XI (1888), passim.
22. Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums, pp. 25–29 and passim.
23. William Bell Riley expressed this opinion in 1910. Ferenc Morton Szasz, “Three Fundamentalist Leaders: The Roles of William Bell Riley, John Roach Straton, and William Jennings Bryan in the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Rochester, 1969, p. 97. The Christian Herald’s shift away from premillennialism seems to have taken place around the turn of the century. For instance, an essay by Mrs. M. Baxter, “The Millennium,” XIX (Dec. 23, 1896), is premillennial, while the editorial, XXIV (Jan. 24, 1901), is distinctly optimistic. The tone until World War I seems postmillennial. In any case charitable emphases were a major aspect of the journal by the 1890s before premillennialism disappeared. Cf. Charles M. Pepper, Life-work of Louis Klopsch: Romance of a Modern Knight of Mercy (New York, 1910), p. 10 and passim.
24. Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums, passim. Christian Herald XXIV (1901), XXX (1907), XXXIII (1910), XXXVII (1914), passim. On immigration, for instance, pictures had captions as “A Happy Russian Group,” “Sturdy Italian Stock,” or (July 1, 1914) p. 629, “The more of this kind the merrier,” under picture of mother and smiling children.
X. “The Great Reversal”
1. David Moberg, The Great Reversal: Evangelism versus Social Concern (Philadelphia, 1972); Donald W. Dayton, Discovering an Evangelical Heritage (New York, 1976); Richard V. Pierard, The Unequal Yoke (Philadelphia, 1970). All these discuss the subject at some length and give evidence for severe subordination of social concern by about 1930. An account especially ambiguous as to what was lost is George M. Marsden, “The Gospel of Wealth, the Social Gospel, and the Salvation of Souls in Nineteenth-century America,” Fides et Historia V (Fall, 1972 and Spring, 1973), pp. 10–21.
2. William G. McLoughlin, ed., The American Evangelicals, 1800–1900: An Anthology (New York, 1968), introduction, p. 13, although otherwise helpful, seems to have this implication.
3. Jean P. Miller, “Souls or the Social Order: Polemic in American Protestantism,” P.h.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1969; Martin E. Marty, Righteous Empire: The Protestant Experience in America (New York, 1970).
4. To call the one of these more “Calvinistic” and the other more “pietistic” is to set up a typology to which there are many exceptions. Some Calvinists have held “pietistic” positions and vice versa. Yet on the whole, one can say that the Calvinist heritage has been more prone to positively transforming culture, while pietists have been more prone to seeing Christians as living in essential tension with the culture. See, for instance, H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York, 1951).
5. Finney, quoted from “Letters on Revivals—No. 23,” The Oberlin Evangelist (n. d.) in Dayton, Evangelical Heritage, p. 21. Dayton points out that this letter is left out of modern editions of these letters.
6. Mahan, Scripture Doctrine of Christian Perfection, 4th ed. (Boston, 1840 [1839]), p. 82. Cf. p. 71, “the doctrine of holiness, as here maintained, is perfect obedience to the precepts of the law.” Cf. pp. 79–85 and 192–93. Mahan argues against antinomian perfectionism, such as taught by John Humphrey Noyes, which says that the ten commandments are abrogated by the law of love. Timothy L. Smith’s valuable article, “The Doctrine of the Sanctifying Spirit: Charles G. Finney’s Synthesis of Wesleyan and Covenant Theology,” Wesleyan Theological Journal XIII (Spring, 1978), pp. 92–113, points out Finney’s emphasis on the covenant. See also Barbara Brown Zikmund, “Asa Mahan and Oberlin Perfectionism,” Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1969, which points out the importance of law, e.g., pp. 147–48.
7. Finney, Lectures on Systematic Theology, James H. Fairchild, ed. (New York, 1878 [1846]), pp. 214–18. Cf. Mahan, Abstract of a Course of Lectures on Mental and Moral Philosophy (Oberlin, 1840), pp. 235–36, and Science of Moral Philosophy (Oberlin, 1848), p. 198, for similar positive assessments of government’s role. On wider explication of their view of the law see David Weddle, “The Law and the Revival: A New Divinity for the Settlements,” Church History XLVII (June, 1978), pp. 196–214.
8. Finney, The Oberlin Evangelist, I (August 28, 1839), p. 147, quoted in T. Smith, “Doctrine,” p. 103.
9. “Once for All” (c. 1870), Gospel Hymns Nos. 1 to 6, Ira D. Sankey, et al., eds. (New York, 1894), no. 13. Verse 3 contains the holiness line “Surely His grace will keep us from falling.”
I am indebted to Donald Dayton for pointing out the change that took place in holiness teaching at this time. See his article, “From Christian Perfection to the ‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost,’” Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, Vinson Synan, ed. (Plainfield, N. J., 1975), pp. 39–54.
&n
bsp; 10. Mahan, The Baptism of the Holy Ghost (Noblesville, Inc., 1972 [1870]), p. iv, from introduction written after 1870. Donald Dayton, with Methodistic Holiness groups in mind, observes that “the shift to ‘Pentecostal’ formulations of holiness teaching usually antedated the adoption of premillennialism by a decade or so.” “The Doctrine of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit: Its Emergence and Significance,” Wesleyan Theo. Rev. XIII, p. 124.
11. E.g., A. J. Gordon, The Ministry of the Spirit (Philadelphia, 1894), pp. 15–16.
12. Plain Papers on the Doctrine of the Holy Spirit (New York, 1899), esp. pp. 39–69.
13. A. C. Dixon, Lights and Shadows of American Life (New York, 1898), p. 103, mentions two associates who took such a position. See also Chapter XV below on the variety of views on “Christianity and culture.”
14. Dixon, ibid., pp. 104–8.
15. “‘Christian Citizenship’ being the notes of an address given by President Blanchard of Wheaton College in Willard Hall October 1897.” Manuscript, Wheaton College archives. Cf. his remark on “Christian civilization” in “The American College: an Address on the Day of Prayer for Colleges,” pamphlet (n. d., after 1903), p. 12.
16. Similarly dramatic changes took place in fundamentalist leaders William Bell Riley and John Roach Straton. See below.
17. Gray’s note here is “The preacher in such references to the Church is not considering her as acting in a collective or corporate capacity. He believes absolutely in the separation of Church and State, and has in mind merely the duty of Christians as individual citizens” (p. 7).
As this remark indicates, the point at issue at the time was not primarily that of separation of church and state. Most Baptists, Old School Presbyterians, and premillennial-holiness evangelicals—the principals in organized fundamentalism—held that the church as such should stay out of politics. This principle, of course, limited the types of social action they would endorse. Nevertheless, as in Gray’s statement here, there was lots of room for political action by individuals or groups.
Fundamentalism and American Culture Page 41