by Alex Cugia
Fifteen minutes later they returned. Thomas was crumpled in a corner, barely conscious, his face streaked with blood from a wound on his scalp and his right arm at an unnatural angle below his bruised and aching body. Angrily ordering the smaller man to bring some water, Bettina cradled Thomas’s head and tidied up the blood streaks and the cut at the back. As she sprinkled water on his face Thomas could make out her voice, sounding a million miles distant as he swirled in and out of consciousness, whispering to him not to hide anything because Dieter already knew everything about his meeting with Stephan.
It took another ten minutes before Thomas fully regained consciousness. He could feel a sharp pain as he sucked in air to his lungs with difficulty. His right arm refused to move as he willed it and he saw that the upper part was at an odd angle and stuck in front of his chest. Bettina gently helped him drag his body up along the wall till he sat leaning back on it and his left arm for support.
“Your arm’s dislocated, not broken.” she said. “We’ll get you a doctor shortly. Now tell us the truth, Thomas. All of it.”
It was useless to play games. That much was now painfully clear. He had tried twice with Dieter but somehow this man was always one step ahead of him. He recounted the day in the twin towers and the discussion over lunch. He revealed that he’d met Herren briefly when he’d come to the restaurant to speak with Stephan. They asked him the same things a hundred times it seemed, in different ways. It felt as if they had the puzzle and only a few small pieces were missing. Then they asked him about his interviews and about whom he’d seen after he left the bank. Thomas briefly went over the evening with his brother and his mother.
“Did you tell your brother anything about why you were in Frankfurt or who’d sent you?”
“I mentioned meeting Stephan and my interview but nothing more. Please. He’s just a kid. Keep him out of this.”
“He’s out of it as long as you keep him out. And everyone else. If you talk, your life is in danger but so is theirs. Do I make myself understood?”
It was late afternoon when he finally reached home. His shoulder, strapped into place by the doctor who seemed to consider his injuries as routine, was painful and his body ached. He climbed the stairs with difficulty wondering what explanation he could give to John but found a note to say he’d left for a few day holiday at a girlfriend’s house at Wannsee, with a party of university friends, and that Thomas was welcome to join them.
He lay down on the bed without bothering to undress or wash. He drifted in and out of a troubled sleep and when he woke fully it was well into the following morning. His shoulder throbbed. He felt sick and profoundly depressed.
Chapter 15
Sunday October 8 1989
SUNDAY October 8 was a bright, clear day, one of those where both the past warmth of summer and the coming bleakness of winter coexist in autumn. There was a crispness to the air, hinting at later snow from the vast plains to the east, but in the bright sunshine it was warm. It was approaching eleven and the three men – East Germany's elderly leader Erich Honecker, 82 year old Stasi head Erich Mielke, and Honecker's deputy Egon Krenz, a mere youth of 52 - now nervously pacing the garden of Honecker’s villa just outside Berlin had spent most of the past hour inside the house in heated debate over the disturbing reports of growing unrest throughout the country and how best to contain it. Dresden had recently been turbulent and in Leipzig a pastor was openly mocking the government and calling into question its moral right to govern. The Stasi and KGB were unanimous in expecting a huge popular demonstration in that city the following day, a demonstration anticipated to be the largest in post-war history.
The automatic but strongly fortified gates flicked open and two official cars crunched over the gravel and swung round in front of the house.
“Time to start the meeting. Let’s go in.” said Honecker, opening the door and ushering Krenz and Mielke into the spotless hall. “There’s Sindermann with Willi Stoph. Still giving himself airs, still thinking that being President of the Volkskammer has some status, still not realising he’s no one. Bloody fool. Still, he had to be invited.”
Leading the way to the large meeting room at the back of the house Honecker sat down at the head of the heavy, polished oak table. Krenz sat immediately to his left and Mielke took his accustomed position at the corner of the far short end where he could most easily observe everyone present yet still see through the windows on both walls to observe anyone who might approach the room.
Within a few minutes the last of the vehicles arrived and their passengers hurried in to sit round the table, the more established members looking curiously at some newcomers. On the marble mantelpiece a large ormolu clock struck eleven and Honecker rapped the table for attention as the last stroke died away.
“Comrades! We are facing uprisings of counter-revolutionary unrest in parts of the Democratic Republic and we therefore need to take action urgently to contain and eliminate this treasonous behaviour. I have accordingly invited to this meeting not only those experienced in leading the socialist Republic but also others who may usefully contribute specialist information.”
He glanced round the table and indicated a man of about sixty with unruly hair turning white, a keen, intelligent face sitting half way down on his left. “You will know Comrade Hans Modrow, Secretary of our Socialist Unity Party in Dresden and therefore responsible for guiding our citizenry there, a guidance which, if I may say so, perhaps needs some closer attention. On his left is Comrade General Horst Böhm, head of the Ministry of State Security in Dresden. He is, I know, someone who is assiduous in and fully committed to this vitally important work.”
He looked with some distaste at a thin-faced man in his late thirties sitting beyond Böhm but although courtesy to others was not part of his character decided to treat the newcomer with at least minimal respect, aware that there was some tension between Putin and Modrow and thinking it prudent to cultivate possible allies.
“On Comrade Böhm's left is Comrade Major Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Comrade Putin is from Leningrad and is an officer within the Soviet Committee for State Security. His training has been in monitoring counter-revolutionary activities and in countering political dissent and his particular focus is on helping foreigners to understand how they might prove useful to us. It is true that the KGB might well learn from our own Ministry how best to manage matters of State security but I nevertheless thought it might be helpful to hear whether Comrade Putin could contribute anything helpful.”
He looked round the table fixing each person with a direct gaze, relishing the authority which had kept him in power since the very beginning of the East German state, initially as the protégé of Walter Ulbricht, the country’s first leader, and then as his successor. He gestured to his right.
“On the advice of Comrade Mielke, I have asked two others to attend. Comrade General Gerhard Neiber is the head of the State Security directorate charged with preventing escapes from the country. Sitting beside him is Comrade Colonel General Markus Wolf, deputy to and close ally of Comrade Mielke for 34 years.”
“Here in our Democratic Republic the freedom and quality of life enjoyed by our citizens makes us the envy not just of our brothers and sisters in our socialist neighbours to the east, including even those in Moscow, but also in the west, now suffering from the excesses of capitalism and the corruption inevitably attendant on it, exactly as predicted over a century ago by Comrade Marx. Nevertheless, there remain in our State a number of citizens affected by the false consciousness which can arise from being exposed to the pernicious influence of wrong ideas coming from abroad, sadly even on occasion from other socialist states.” He glanced pointedly at Putin as he said this. “This unrest has recently been fomented by assorted criminals and other treasonous anti-social elements and has to be stopped. Comrade Mielke?”
Mielke, the state’s leading secret policeman through his career almost from the founding of the DDR and head of the Stasi from 1957, arranged the paper
s before him.
“As Comrade Honecker has explained, anti-social elements have been stirring up trouble, much of it criminal. We therefore need to deal promptly and firmly with this challenge to the authority of the State and the well-being of our citizens. Our elite unit, staffed by carefully selected members of the counter-terrorism and counter-espionage directorates, is intentionally small, rapidly reactive, and ruthless in action. Under my direction it will have no hesitation in challenging and destroying the hostile opposing forces and groups which are seeking to use what methods they can to bring about changes in power." He raised his hand and brought it down hard on the table as he spoke. "There must be zero tolerance of any illegality whatever. We will use whatever force is necessary to ensure the submission of counter-revolutionary elements.”
Honecker and Mielke’s three Stasi colleagues nodded in approval of Mielke’s blunt approach. Egon Krenz, carefully eyeing Honecker, had started to do the same, even beginning to congratulate Mielke but suddenly stopped as he realised the embarrassed reactions of the majority. Horst Sindermann looked at Mielke with open contempt.
“These demonstrations have been peaceful." he said. "There is little evidence of the criminality you mention. Certainly those demonstrating show false consciousness and we must ensure that the virus does not spread and infect more of our citizens. But in my view to use force would be counter productive. Our citizens are echoing Comrade Secretary Gorbachev and are calling for openness, for glasnost, and for restructuring, perestroika. There is no sign that they wish to give up the advantages brought to them by socialism, merely that they wish to contribute positively to a discussion about its future. Comrade Mielke’s proposed solution borders on illegality.”
“I must agree, though reluctantly.” said Putin. “Comrade Mielke is of course right in much of his analysis but we are living in difficult times. It is not that crushing an insect of insurrection is in itself wrong but whether that insect or its fellows can then sting badly the hand concerned." He paused for a moment and looked round. "Or even its keepers." he added, almost to himself. "Some may think the approach of Secretary Gorbachev mistaken - that's not for me to remark on - but he guides the Soviet Union and we must all both respect that and understand the position of Russia and the fraternal relationship there.”
Honecker looked at Putin briefly then turned to Sinderman.
“Do you forget, Comrade, that although the ultimate public determiner of what is legal may well be the Supreme Court it is important that the Court gives its advice only having first determined the position of the Party? It is the Party which understands fully the Marxist-Leninist principles which guide our State. It is therefore the Party, and the Party alone, which is in the best position to understand the finer distinctions of the law where relevant to socialism. If the Party determines that prompt and decisive action needs to be taken in defence of socialism then it will advise the Court accordingly and expect the Court to play its full part in advancing the truth of that position to the citizens through its interpretation of our laws.”
“Of course, Comrade Secretary. I fully understand that the ultimate position of the Party is critical and that you, as General Secretary, are uniquely positioned to interpret this for those of us who do not have your experience and command of socialist understanding.”
There was something in Sinderman's tone of voice which caused Honecker to stare hard at him for a full minute but the President of the Leigislature remained impassive, a public picture of contrition. The room became very still.
“Let me now address your comments, Comrade Putin. Here in the German Democratic Republic we have done our perestroika. We have nothing to restructure. As for the openness of which Comrade Secretary Gorbachev speaks, we in the Politburo here share the views of Comrade Ceaucescu of the Socialist Republic of Romania and Comrade Zhikov of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria that until false consciousness has been eradicated in our citizenry it is the duty of the Party to lead and not to be seduced to follow an empty form of democracy. The Party is helped strongly in this by the Ministry of State Security and it would therefore be wise to listen carefully to and then heed the advice of Comrade Mielke.”
Mielke caught Honecker’s eye and continued. “Let me remind you further, Comrades. In 1953 there was a treasonous uprising by disaffected counter revolutionaries, something which threatened the very foundation of our new State and of the forward march of socialism. Then we called fraternally on the Soviet Occupation Forces to help us in this struggle and quickly succeeded in overcoming the enemies of the State. Comrade Secretary Gorbachev, however, has made it clear that the Brehznev doctrine of mutual support no longer holds. We can therefore no longer call on other fraternal forces to help us quash any rebellion but must do it ourselves.”
“The people have forfeited the confidence of the government.” thought Sindermann to himself, and smiled, as Mielke paused. “Would it not be easier for the government simply to dissolve the people and elect another?”
“I believe therefore that the correct approach is that of our wise comrades in China." Mielke continued." Only a few months ago in Tianamen Square they quickly took firm action to smother counter-revolutionary protests before they could take hold in the country. Our situation is comparable. We must, therefore, similarly be ready to smash forces hostile to our State and to the Party through all the means and methods at our disposal. We cannot flinch. We cannot be weak." He brushed the spittle away from the right side of his mouth. "History will honour our memory and the decisive action that we are now obliged to take. Ultimately the people will thank us.”
Honecker nodded. “The Party is grateful to you, Comrade Mielke, for the way you guard and protect it. There is, however, another important matter which has come to our attention which I’d like Comrade Wolf to explain to us.”
Wolf, son of a Jewish communist father and educated in Russia because his family had fled Germany following Hitler's rise to power, was the former head of the Stasi department concerned with foreign intelligence and widely regarded as a consummately skilled spymaster who had built up an extensive network of agents deep inside the West German establishment. He was now in his mid sixties, sophisticated and highly intelligent, still urbane and strikingly handsome, and unrivalled in his experience and knowledge of the intelligence world.
"My former department and its current head, Comrade Grossmann, came to learn hints of a curious proposal apparently involving the West German government making a substantial loan to the Soviet government. There were possible links with our country and I was therefore asked to help. We discussed matters with a number of people but there were important elements missing which made it difficult to establish exactly what was going on." He stopped, looked round the table, and took a sip of water.
"The man behind this is the managing director of Deutsche Bank, Alfred Herren. The loan proposed is significant, somewhere around 50 billion Deutsche Marks, and we understand that it’s to be underwritten by the West German government. What is also clear is that our future as a country is intimately tied up with this proposal and this is currently being negotiated between the governments of the Soviet Union and of West Germany. We are not being consulted.”
For a long moment there was silence and then everyone began talking at once. Despite Honecker’s increasingly irritated banging on the table the noise continued until finally Wolf could again make himself heard.
“Comrades, I heard some of you just now suggest firm action to deal with the forces behind this plan. I agree with that view but we must be very careful in what action we take. This is a delicate situation which involves not just West Germany but also our comrades in the Soviet Union, as Comrade Putin has reminded us. If elimination is necessary in order to achieve our needs then no hint of complicity must attach to us.”
“Of course!” said Mielke dryly. “You know, perhaps better than anyone, that we have always acted on that principle and will continue to do so. We are not responsible, however, for the
antics of groups such as the Red Army Faction or such others operating in the West whose aims may on occasion coincide exactly with our own.”
The meeting broke up. Honecker, usually deeply suspicious and alert to any deviant behaviour, failed to notice how Egon Krenz spoke briefly, alone or in small groups, to every member who had appeared concerned at Mielke’s hardline stance. Mielke did notice but didn’t care. As far as he was concerned the individual was irrelevant, it was the Party alone that mattered.
And as Modrow drifted out, following Putin deep in converation with Böhm, he heard the Russian complain that in his view Gorbachev was weak and misguided; what was needed was someone of the stature, vision and force of a Mielke. "I am a specialist in communicating with people" Putin said "and I know the importance to that of knowing incriminating information." Insurrection could not be tolerated and so it was necessary to infiltrate and to set the state's opponents one against the other and break up any strength they might have from being united. Only by acting ruthlessly against enemies threatening the integrity of the state, could necessary order and control be maintained.
"Se vogliamo che tutto rimanga come è, bisogna che tutto cambi." Modrow murmured to himself and smiled at Putin in response to his hostile and suspicious glance. "Il Gattopardo." he added. "Tancredi." He smiled again and walked on.
Chapter 16
Thursday October 12 1989
THOMAS thought back to his last visit to Frankfurt as Stephan guided him through the small Chinese restaurant. Dieter had somehow found a way to listen in on their conversation but he couldn’t work out how that had happened. Impossible that he would have bugged the building, surely. Thomas wouldn’t put it past the Stasi to attempt even that but if they’d somehow had the opportunity in the restaurant they couldn’t possibly cover all the spaces where people sat. In any case, he was certain that Deutsche Bank would regularly sweep all their rooms for bugs.