56. The best account of Godunov’s plan is Batalov, Kamennoe zodchestvo, pp. 86–96.
57. Massa, Peasant Wars, pp. 106–7. On the model of the Sepulchre, see A. L. Batalov, ‘Grob gospoden’ v zamysle “sviataia sviatykh” Borisa Godunova’, in A. L. Batalov and A. Lidov, eds., Ierusalim v russkoi kul’ture (Moscow, 1994), p. 166.
58. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 44.
59. Vovina, ‘Patriarkh Filaret’, p. 56.
60. Dunning, Civil War, p. 97.
61. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 50.
62. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 52.
63. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 57.
64. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 131–2.
65. For a detailed portrait, see Perrie, Pretenders, p. 45.
66. Dunning, Civil War, p. 161.
67. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 81.
68. Dunning, Civil War, p. 195.
69. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 105, and see Dunning, Civil War, p. 195.
70. This allegation, and many others tending to present him as a Catholic and creature of the Poles, is a motif of Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 1–11.
71. On the Inquisition, and for a discussion of Dmitry’s supposed Catholicism, see P. Pierling, ‘Dnevnik Andreia Levitskogo’, Russkaia starina (1900), pp. 689–706; for the informality of Dmitry’s court, see Dunning, Civil War, pp. 202–4.
72. Margeret, Russian Empire, p. 86.
73. Margeret, Russian Empire, p. 70.
74. Dunning rejects almost all these stories (except the one where Dmitry wears Polish clothes). See his Civil War, pp. 210–23. For a classic diatribe against Otrepev, see also Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 19–21, who does not give a source.
75. Massa, Peasant Wars, pp. 117–19.
76. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 3 and 26.
77. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 115. On the ‘Polish style’, see Lindsey Hughes, The Romanovs: Ruling Russia, 1613–1917 (London, 2008), p. 10.
78. For a contemporary’s view on this, see Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 149.
79. On Marina’s arrival, see Margeret, Russian Empire, p. 72 and Massa, Peasant Wars, pp. 128–31. More generally, see Dunning, Civil War, pp. 231–2.
80. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 23.
81. Massa, Peasant Wars, p. 134.
82. On Vasily’s pedigree, see Dunning, Civil War, p. 62.
83. Margeret (Russian Empire, p. 72) gives a higher, and suspiciously precise, figure for the casualties: 1,705. The truth is that the number cannot be accurately established.
84. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 234–5; Margeret, Russian Empire, p. 72; Massa, Peasant Wars, pp.136–8 and 144.
85. Platonov, Smutnoe vremia, p. 125.
86. For a list of the candidates, see Perrie, Pretenders, p. 177.
87. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 206–7.
88. On his choice of residence, see Dunning, Civil War, p. 246.
89. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 279 and 292.
90. Dunning, Civil War, p. 325; see also Perrie, Pretenders, p. 129.
91. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 318–19.
92. Stanislaw Zolkiewski, Expedition to Moscow: A Memoir, trans. M. W. Stephen (London, 1959), p. 51.
93. Its members were Fedor Mstislavskii, Ivan Vorotynskii, Vasilii Golitsyn, Ivan Romanov, Fedor Sheremetev, Andrei Trubetskoi and Boris Lykov. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 93.
94. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 105.
95. Zolkiewski, Expedition to Moscow, pp. 100–101.
96. A version that was later told to Adam Olearius. See The Travels of Olearius in Seventeenth-Century Russia, trans. Samuel H. Baron (Stanford, Calif., 1967), pp. 189–90.
97. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 126.
98. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 129, citing Conrad Bussow. For balance, it is worth noting that this is the incident that Dunning (Civil War, p. 418) calls a ‘daring and ferocious assault by Captain Margeret’s German mercenaries’.
99. Olearius, Travels, p. 190.
100. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 154–5.
101. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 220–21.
102. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 250; S. K. Bogoiavlenskii, ed., Gosudarstvennaia oruzheinaia palata Moskovskogo kremlia (Moscow, 1954), p. 514.
103. Ruby, ‘Kremlin Workshops’, pp. 163–4.
104. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, pp. 252–3.
105. S. P. Bartenev, Bol’shoi kremlevskii dvorets: ukazatel’ k ego obozreniiu (Moscow, 1911), p. 5; Platonov, Smutnoe vremia, p. 216.
106. I. Snegirev, Moskva: Podrobnoe istoricheskoe i arkheologicheskoe opisanie goroda (Moscow, 1875), vol. 2, p. 85.
107. Olearius, Travels, p. 190.
5 ETERNAL MOSCOW
1. The Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch: Written by His Attendant Archdeacon, Paul of Aleppo, in Arabic, trans. F. C. Belfour (London, 1836), vol. 1, pp. 353–5.
2. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 381.
3. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 389.
4. For an extended discussion of popular belief, see I. L. Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo v epokhu peremen: Rossiia semnadtsatogo stoletiia (Moscow, 2008), esp. pp. 24–9.
5. On continuity at elite level in the seventeenth century, see P. V. Sedov, Zakat Moskovskogo tsarstva: tsarskii dvor kontsa XVII veka (St Petersburg, 2006). For details of the political settlement after 1613, see also Robert O. Crummey, Aristocrats and Servitors: The Boyar Elite in Russia, 1613–1689 (Princeton, NJ, 1983), pp. 26–7; R. G. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles: Russia in Crisis, 1604–1618 (Gulf Breeze, Fl., 1988), pp. 268–71.
6. See N. V. Rybalko, Rossiiskaia prikaznaia biurokratiia v Smutnoe vremia nachala XVII v (Moscow, 2011), which gives a figure of between 60 and 68 per cent stability for the period 1598–1613.
7. On the size of the court, see Sedov, Zakat, pp. 54–7. For a range of views on the pace of change, compare his conclusion (Zakat, p. 551) with Brenda Meehan-Waters, Autocracy and Aristocracy: The Russian Social Elite of 1730 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1982), pp. 6–10, and Paul Bushkovitch, Religion and Society in Russia: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York, 1992), p. 129.
8. Travels of Macarius, vol. 2, p. 2.
9. See S. V. Lobachev, ‘Patriarch Nikon’s rise to power’, SEER, 79, 2 (April 2001), pp. 302–3. Kluchevsky discussed the issue of responsibility at length, noting that, since Muscovy was no longer a patrimony to be bequeathed in the tsar’s will, Mikhail’s son, Aleksei Mikhailovich, had also to be ‘elected’ before he formally ascended the throne. V. O. Kluchevsky, A History of Russia, trans. C. J. Hogarth (London, J. M. Dent, 1913), vol. 3, pp. 80–81. That said, election – or a form of consensual proclamation – was not unprecedented, and had been used for the promotion of Boris Godunov.
10. S. F. Platonov, Smutnoe vremia (The Hague, 1965), p. 218.
11. Chester S. L. Dunning, Russia’s First Civil War: The Time of Troubles and the Founding of the Romanov Dynasty (University Park, Pa., 2001), pp. 448 and 468. For the enthronement, see DAI, vol. 2, no. 76, pp. 185–214.
12. Isaac Massa, 1614, cited in B. Shifton and G. Walton, eds., Gifts to the Tsars: Treasures from the Kremlin (New York, 2001), p. 308.
13. Samuel Collins, The Present State of Russia: A Letter to a Friend at London, by an Eminent Person residing at the Czar’s Court (London, 1671), p. 101.
14. Dunning, Civil War, pp. 443–5.
15. Collins, State of Russia, pp. 116–17.
16. For the tale that even the tsar’s sceptre had disappeared, see I. Snegirev, Moskva: Podrobnoe istoricheskoe i arkheologicheskoe opisanie goroda, vol. 2 (Moscow, 1875), p. 12. There is some doubt, however, about this, on which see Scott Douglas Ruby, ‘The Kremlin Workshops of the Tsars and Foreign Craftsmen: c. 1500–1711’, unpublished PhD dissertation, Courtauld Institute of Art, 2009, pp. 64–5. On the gold, see S. K. Bogoiavlenskii, ed., Gosudarstvennaia oruzheinaia palata Moskovskogo kremlia (Moscow, 1954), p. 526.
17. Snegirev, Moskva, vol. 2, p. 85. The Romanovs were also attentive t
o their real ancestors, of course, and gave generously for the upkeep of their family shrines.
18. Russell E. Martin, ‘Choreographing the “Tsar’s Happy Occasion”: tradition, change and dynastic legitimacy in the weddings of Tsar Mikhail Romanov’, Slavic Review, 63, 4 (Winter 2004), pp. 794–817.
19. I. E. Zabelin, Domashnii byt russkikh tsarei v XVI i XVII stoletiiakh (Moscow, 1862, repr. 1990), vol. 1, p. 56.
20. Skrynnikov, Time of Troubles, p. 257.
21. A report, dated 1645–7, details the condition of the Kremlin walls at the beginning of Aleksei Mikhailovich’s reign, confirming that the repairs dragged on for decades. See DAI, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 2–5.
22. Filaret’s comments on this problem are reproduced in I. E. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy (Moscow, 1904; repr. 2005), pp. 181–2.
23. Bogoiavlenskii, Gosudarstvennaia oruzheinaia palata, p. 526.
24. Snegirev, Moskva, vol. 2, pp. 16–17.
25. A. N. Speransky, Ocherki po istorii prikaza kamennykh del Moskovskogo gosudarstva (Vologda, 1930), p. 49.
26. Even travelling priests dealt in furs when they returned home. See Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 403.
27. This was Henry, son of Leonard, Bush. The details were discovered by Ruby, ‘Kremlin Workshops’, pp. 49–52.
28. For more on these foreigners, see Vladimir Chekmarev, ‘Angliiskie mastera na sluzhbe u Mikhaila Fedorovicha’, Arkhitektura i stroitel’stva Moskvy, 9 (1990), pp. 19–21; Dmitry Shvidkovsky, Russian Architecture and the West (New Haven, Conn. and London, 2007), pp. 152–60.
29. Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo, pp. 91–2.
30. On the royal family’s preferences, see Collins, State of Russia, p. 57; Zabelin, Domashnyi, vol. 1, pp. 69–70.
31. E. M. Kozlitina, ‘Dokumenty XVII veka po istorii Granovitoi palaty Moskovskogo Kremlia’, Materialy i issledovaniia, vol. I, p. 99.
32. S. de Bartenev, Le Grand Palais du Kremlin et ses neuf églises: Guide du visiteur (Moscow, 1912), p. 11.
33. Cited in Jeremy Howard, Christopher Galloway: Clockmaker, Architect and Engineer to Tsar Mikhail, the First Romanov (Edinburgh, 1997), p. 19.
34. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, p. 203.
35. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, p. 206; Howard, Galloway, pp. 10–11.
36. Howard, Galloway, pp. 29–30.
37. Iu. V. Tarabarina, ‘Znachenie Kremlevskikh postroek pervykh romanovykh v istorii proiskhozhdenii shatrovykh kolokolen XVII veka’, www.archi.ru (2006). My thanks to Dr Alla Aronova for drawing my attention to this online item in August 2011.
38. Graf’s name first appeared in Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, p. 204. See also S. P. Bartenev, Moskovskii Kreml’ v starinu i teper’, 2 vols. (St Petersburg, 1912 and 1918), vol. 1, p. 139, and Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo, pp. 89–91.
39. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, pp. 203–6.
40. Zabelin (Istoriia goroda Moskvy, p. 207) argues that we do not know what Galloway’s clock looked like. Howard and others base their descriptions on the accounts of later visitors. See also Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo, p. 161, where Meyerberg’s drawing is reproduced, and Chekmarev, ‘Angliiskie mastera’, p. 20, which argues that Galloway’s clock survived intact until 1707. Parts of the mechanism, indeed, remain visible inside the tower to this day. For the fire, see Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 369.
41. Zabelin, Domashnii, vol. 1, p. 114.
42. Collins, State of Russia, p. 67; Howard, Galloway, pp. 5 and 13.
43. P. V. Sytin, Istoriia planirovki i zastroiki Moskvy, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1950), p. 42.
44. Ruby, ‘Kremlin Workshops’, pp. 238–40; Bogoiavlenskii, Gosudarstvennaia oruzheinaia palata, pp. 556–7.
45. N. G. Bekeneva, Simon Ushakov, 1626–1686 (Leningrad, 1984), esp. pp. 5–21.
46. V. G. Briusova, Russkaia zhivopis’ XVII veka (Moscow, 1984), pp. 16–20; Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo, p. 91. The d’yak Stepan Ugotskii was in charge of the logistics. See I. Mashkov, ed., Otchet po restavratsii bol’shago Moskovskago Uspenskago sobora (Moscow, 1910), pp. 7–8, which reprints the original instructions.
47. Briusova, Russkaia zhivopis’, pp. 22–3.
48. I. L. Buseva-Davydova, ‘Novye ikonograficheskie istochniki v russkoi zhivopisi XVII v’, in A. L. Batalov, ed., Iskusstvo pozdnego srednevekoviia (Moscow, 1993), pp. 190–206.
49. Buseva-Davydova, Kul’tura i iskusstvo, pp. 34–5.
50. For an account, see Bogoiavlenskii, Gosudarstvennaia oruzheinaia palata, pp. 533–6.
51. Speransky, Ocherki po istorii, p. 185.
52. Richard Hellie, The Economy and Material Culture of Russia 1600–1725 (Chicago, 1999), pp. 445–6.
53. Richard Hellie, Enserfment and Military Change in Muscovy (Chicago, 1971), pp. 182–3; see also M. N. Larchenko, ‘K voprosu o rabote tak nazyvaemykh “pol’skikh” masterov v Oruzheinoi palate vo vtoroi polovine XVII veka’, Proizvedeniia Russkogo i zarubezhnogo iskusstva XVI–nachala XVIII veka’, Materialy i issledovaniia, vol. IV, pp. 185–92.
54. M. Poe and E. Lohr, eds., The Military and Society in Russian History, 1350–1917 (Leiden, 2002), p. 66.
55. On the troops that lined his route in 1675, see Sedov, Zakat, p. 185.
56. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 367.
57. L. Loewenson, ‘The Moscow rising of 1648’, SEER, 27, 68 (December 1948), p. 147.
58. The Travels of Olearius in Seventeenth-Century Russia, trans. Samuel H. Baron (Stanford, Calif., 1967), pp. 203–4.
59. Olearius, Travels, p. 204; see also V. Kivelson, ‘The devil stole his mind: the tsar and the 1648 Moscow uprising’, AHR, 98, 3 (June 1993), p. 738.
60. K. V. Bazilevich, Gorodskie vosstaniia v Moskovskom gosudarstve XVII v. (Moscow and Leningrad, 1936), pp. 54–5.
61. Loewenson, ‘Moscow rising’, p. 153.
62. Loewenson, ‘Moscow rising’, p. 153.
63. Olearius, Travels, p. 209; see also Loewenson, ‘Moscow rising’, p. 154.
64. Olearius, Travels, p. 211.
65. Loewenson, ‘Moscow rising’, p. 155, see also Pommerening’s estimate of the damage in Bazilevich, Gorodskie, p. 39. The highest estimate for deaths is 2,000, but all are guesses. The fire was clearly a major catastrophe in every sense. See Kivelson, ‘Devil’, p. 740.
66. Olearius, Travels, p. 212; Loewenson, ‘Moscow rising’, p. 155. See also Pommerening’s account in Bazilevich, Gorodskie, p. 36.
67. Kivelson, ‘Devil’, p. 742.
68. For the text in an English translation, see Richard Hellie, ed. and trans., The Muscovite Law Code (Ulozhenie) of 1649 (Irvine, Calif., 1988).
69. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 331.
70. I. E. Zabelin, Materialy dlia istorii arkheologii i statistiki goroda Moskvy, vol. 2 (Moscow, 1891), p. 2.
71. It is printed in DAI, vol. 3, no. 119, pp. 442–8. See also Philip Longworth, Alexis, Tsar of all the Russias (London, 1984), pp. 101–2.
72. Snegirev, Moskva, vol. 2, pp. 14–15.
73. DAI, vol. 4, no. 9, p. 31.
74. Samuel H. Baron, ‘Nemeckaja sloboda’, pp. 7–8, reprinted in his Muscovite Russia: Collected Essays (London, 1980).
75. Olearius, Travels, p. 142.
76. The reforms began in the late 1640s. See Bushkovitch, Religion and Society, p. 57.
77. Lobachev, ‘Patriarch Nikon’, p. 306, citing Johan de Rodes.
78. Travels of Macarius, vol. 2, p. 105; see also P. Meyendorff, Russia, Ritual and Reform: The Liturgical Reforms of Nikon in the Seventeenth Century (New York, 1991), p. 90.
79. Travels of Macarius, vol. 2, p. 171.
80. A. I. Romanenko, ‘Odin iz etapov stroitel’stva patriarshikh palat’, Materialy i issledovaniia, vol. II, p. 110. On the German architects, see Travels of Macarius, vol. 2, p. 224.
81. Travels of Macarius, vol. 2, pp. 225–6.
82. D. N. Anuchin et al., eds., Moskva v ee proshlom i nastoiashchem, 12 vols. (Moscow, 1909–12), vol. 2, p. 115; on serfs, see Dunning
, Civil War, p. 473.
83. Anuchin, Moskva v ee proshlom, vol. 2, pp. 109–11.
84. Olearius, Travels, p. 265, and see Avvakum’s diatribe, cited in G. Michels, At War with the Church: Religious Dissent in Seventeenth-Century Russia (Stanford, Calif., 1999), p. 49.
85. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 171.
86. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 410.
87. Michael Cherniavsky, ‘The Old Believers and the new religion’, Slavic Review, 25, 1 (March 1966), pp. 1–39.
88. Cited in Michels, At War with the Church, p. 49.
89. For a summary, see Michels, At War with the Church, pp. 217–29.
90. Meyendorff, Ritual, p. 95, citing Kluchevsky, History.
91. Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 412.
92. Michael Cherniavsky, Tsar and People: Studies in Russian Myths (New Haven, Conn. and London, 1961), p. 63.
93. On the balance as Paul of Aleppo saw it, see Travels of Macarius, vol. 1, p. 316, which gives all the important cards to Aleksei.
94. DAI, vol. 4, no. 118, pp. 274–5.
95. Longworth, Alexis, pp. 127–9.
96. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, pp. 360–61; Longworth, Alexis, p. 168.
97. For a blow-by-blow account, see DAI, vol. 5, no. 102, pp. 439–510.
98. Collins, State of Russia, pp. 64–5.
99. Zabelin, Domashnii, vol. 1, p. 205. Hellie, Economy, pp. 590–95, contrasts the furniture in Golitsyn’s palace of the 1680s with that in Tatishchev’s in 1608. The latter, strikingly, had no beds and only one chair.
100. Collins, State of Russia, pp. 57–8.
101. Longworth, Alexis, p. 205.
102. Zabelin, Domashnii, vol. 1, p. 138; Longworth, Alexis, p. 134.
103. Kozlitina, ‘Dokumenty’, pp. 98–9.
104. Longworth, Alexis, p. 203.
105. Longworth, Alexis, p. 204.
106. For figures, see Peter B. Brown,‘How Muscovy governed: seventeenth-century Russian central administration’, Russian History, 36, 4 (2009), pp. 488–99; on the ‘new men’ under Aleksei, see Marshall Poe, ‘The central government and its institutions’, CHR, vol. 1, ch. 19, esp. pp. 446–51.
107. Zabelin, Istoriia goroda Moskvy, p. 255; DAI, vol. 6, no. 50, p. 207 (relocation of Bolshoi prikhod, 1672).
108. The figures, given by Brenda Meehan-Waters, are 31 at the time of Aleksei’s accession and 151 in 1689: Autocracy, p. 10. For the number living in the Kremlin, see Collins, State of Russia, p. 62.
Red Fortress: History and Illusion in the Kremlin Page 55