by Bill Bishop
]
Thibodeaux, Robert, [>]–[>], [>], [>], [>]
3M (Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company), [>]
Tiebout, Charles, [>]–[>], [>]
Tillich, Paul, [>]
Time Enough for Love (Heinlein), [>]
Time magazine, [>], [>]–[>]
Tipping phenomenon, [>]–[>]
The Tipping Point (Gladwell), [>]
Toobin, Jeffrey, [>] n
Toomey, Patrick, [>]–[>]
Toyota Prius hybrid cars, [>] n
Tribe psychology: advertising and image tribes, [>]–[>], and communication between political parties, [>]–[>], [>], and confirmation bias, [>]–[>], [>] n; and constant clashing of opinions, [>]–[>], [>], early experiments on, [>]–[>], [>] n; and hiving, [>]; and media, [>]–[>]; and megachurches, [>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] n, and political segregation of Washington, D.C., [>]–[>]; and politics, [>], [>]; and presidential campaign (2004), [>]–[>], and risky shift phenomenon, [>]–[>]; and sense of belonging, [>]–[>], [>], and voter turnout, [>]–[>]
Tnbe.net, [>]
Trillin, Calvin, [>]
Tnplett, Norman, [>]
Truman, Harry'S., [>], [>]
Trust-and crisis of competence, [>], [>] n, decline in public trust in industrialized world, [>]–[>]; decline in public trust in U.S., [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>], [>]–[>], and political scandals, [>]
Tully, Carl, [>]
Turow, Joseph, [>], [>]
Twenty-minute rule of venture capital firms, [>]
TXU, [>]
UMWA. See United Mine Workers of America (UMWA)
Uncommitted voters, [>]
Understanding Church Growth (McGavran), [>]
Unemployment, [>], [>]. See also Employment; Poverty
Union College, [>]
United Methodist Women, [>], [>]
United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), [>], [>], [>] n, [>]
United Nations, [>], [>], [>]
University of Michigan, [>]–[>], [>]–[>]
Urban Archipelago, [>]
Urban areas. See Cities
U S. Steel, [>], [>]
USA Patriot Act, [>]
USA Today, [>], [>]
Van Rensselaer, Stephen, [>]
Vanden Heuvel, Katrina, [>]
Venture capital firms, [>]
Verba, Sidney, [>]
Vermont, [>]
Vietnam War, [>], [>], [>]–[>], [>] n, [>], [>], [>], [>]
Viguerie, Richard, [>]
Virginia lifestyle communities in, [>] n, and midterm election (2006), [>], political parties in, [>], [>]; and presidential election (2004), [>], voting law violations in Wise County, [>]
Vista, Calif., [>]–[>]
Voltaire, [>]
Voter turnout-and partisanship, [>], and polarization, [>]–[>], and presidential elections, [>], [>], [>]–[>], [>]. See also Midterm elections (2006), Presidential elections
Voting Rights Act (1965), [>]
Wages. See Employment, Income
Wagner, C Peter, [>], [>]–[>]
Walgren, Doug, [>]
Wall Street Journal, [>], [>] n
Wallis, Jim, [>]
Wal-Mart, [>], [>], [>], [>]
Wanamaker, John, [>]
War on Poverty, [>]
Warren, Rick McGavran's influence on, [>], The Purpose-Driven Church by, [>], The Purpose-Driven Life by, [>], [>], and Saddleback Church in Orange County, [>], [>], [>], [>], [>]–[>], [>], [>], [>]
Warren, Robert Penn, [>]
Washington, D C. black migration to, [>], [>]; creative-class workers in, [>], as high-tech city, [>] n; political segregation of, [>]–[>], [>], racial makeup of population of, [>], softball league for congressional staff members in, [>]. See also Congress
The Washington Community (Young), [>]–[>]
Washington County, Ore., [>]
Washington Post, [>], [>] n, [>] n, [>], [>], [>] n, [>], [>], [>] n, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] n, [>], [>]
Washington state, [>]–[>], [>]. See also Seattle, Wash.
Watergate scandal, [>], [>], [>], [>]
Watts riots, [>], [>], [>], [>]
Wauconda, Wash., [>]–[>]
Webb, Jim, [>]
Weber, Max, [>]
Weber, Vin, [>], [>]
Weiler, Jonathan, [>]–[>]
Weissman, Jonathan, [>]
Welles, Orson, [>] n
Wesleyan University, [>]
West Germany, [>]
West Palm Beach, Fla., [>]
West Virginia. Horan in, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], independent churches in, [>]–[>], [>], Kanawha County textbook controversy in, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]; McDowell County in, [>]; and presidential election (2000), [>] n, wages in, [>]
Westen, Drew, [>]
Weyrich, Paul, [>], [>], [>]
What's the Matter with Kansas? (Frank), [>] n
White flight, [>], [>], [>]–[>]
Why Conservative Churches Are Growing (Kelley), [>]
Whyte, William H, [>], [>]–[>], [>]
Wiebe, Robert, [>], [>], [>], [>]
Wikipedia, [>]
Wilensky, Harold, [>]–[>]
Williams College, [>] n
Wisconsin, [>] n
Wise County, Va., [>]
Witt, G. Evans, [>]
Wohlgemuth, Arlene, [>]–[>], [>] n
Women, in Congress, [>] n, and gender gap, [>], [>] n, [>], and marriage gap, [>] n, [>]–[>], and presidential election (2004), [>]
Women's rights, [>], [>], [>]. See also Abortion
Woodfill, Jared, [>]
Wooldridge, Adrian, [>], [>] n
Woolston, Thomas, [>]
Working class. See Class; Employment, Labor unions and strikes
World Council of Churches, [>], [>], [>]
World Values Survey, [>]–[>]
Wuthnow, Robert, [>]
Xerox, [>] n
Yablonski, Jock, [>] n
Yankelovich, Daniel, [>]
Yankelovich Partners, [>], [>] n, [>]–[>], [>], [>]
Yarmuth, John, [>]–[>]
Yoga, [>]
Young, H. Edwin, [>], [>]
Young, James Sterling, [>]–[>]
Zuniga, Markos Moulitsas, [>], [>]
Footnotes
* Sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld, working in the 1940s, saw the same kind of policy-free connection between parties and people. In his book Voting A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954), Lazarsfeld wrote: "The preference for one party rather than another must be highly similar to the preference for one kind of literature or music rather than another, and the choice of the same political party every four years may be parallel to the choice of the same old standards of conduct in new social situations. In short, it appears that a sense of fitness is a more striking feature of political preference than reason and calculation" (p. 311).
[back]
***
* Dionne saw a much larger division in June 2007 after reviewing a poll conducted by the Pew Research Center. The Pew poll revealed that Republicans and Democrats had entirely different concerns and opinions about foreign and domestic policy The Washington Post columnist wrote- "Our two political parties and their candidates are living in parallel universes It's as if the candidates were running for president in two separate countries" (June 1, 2007, p. A15).
[back]
***
*The Washington Post editorial page has assured us that "American elections are growing ever less competitive while squeezing out moderates from both parties and polarizing politics. This is in part because politicians get to choose their voters, rather than the reverse, and so they draw districts that are reliably Republican or Democratic. The system corrodes democracy" (November 15, 2005). Juliet Eilpenn, who wrote Fight Club Politics, a fine book on Congress, claimed in the Washington Post that by "segregating voters according to party loyalty, redistricting has insulated incumbents of both parties and dulled competition" (November 13, 2005). Jeffrey G
oldberg wrote in The New Yorker about the "difficulty of unseating incumbents, especially in congressional districts that, over the years, have been gerrymandered into single-party redoubts" (May 29, 2006). Elizabeth Drew, in the New York Review of Books, wrote that one reason for the ideological intransigence in Congress is the redistricting of the House, "in which both parties collude, and which has put more and more House seats out of contention" (February 12, 2004). And this is what I wrote in the Austin American-Statesman on October 24, 2004, before I fully understood the Big Sort "State legislatures have drawn representative districts that are increasingly one-sided. Because so many districts are dominated by a single party, primary elections determine who will sit in most legislatures, and primaries are usually won by the most ideologically strident candidate." After not one California congressional or state legislative district changed parties in 2004, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger proposed an end to legislative redistricting, asking, "What kind of democracy is that?" (San Diego Union-Tribune, January 12, 2005).
[back]
***
* This is exactly what former House majority leader Tom DeLay did in the infamous 2003 redistricting escapade in Texas. Confident of reelection, DeLay reduced the Republican majority in his district to bolster the fortunes of a neighbor. Jeffrey Toobin in The New Yorker ("The Great Election Grab," December 8, 2003) predicted that this redistricting decision could cost DeLay his seat, but we'll never know whether he was right. DeLay decided not to seek reelection in 2006. A Democrat won that seat, but only by 10 percentage points.
[back]
***
*Redistricting may not have had much to do with why incumbents did so well in the 1990s, but money certainly did. Even in districts where Democrats and Republicans lived in near equality, incumbents had a big advantage in fundraismg Abramowitz found that from the early 1990s to 2002, median spending by incumbents in competitive districts increased from $596,000 to $910,000. Median spending by challengers in those same districts fell from $229,000 to $198,000.
[back]
***
*In 1960, twenty-four of twenty-six real-life states had less competitive districts than Oppenheimer's state-of-states. By 2000, however, only four of the twenty-six similar-size states (Alabama, Maryland, Indiana, and Massachusetts) had less competitive districts on average than Oppenheimer's state-of-states.
[back]
***
†Others have come to similar conclusions. Keiko Ono at the University of Oklahoma found that there was little evidence that gerrymandering was responsible for the increase in noncompetitive districts. Ono wrote that there was a trend toward more like-minded districts, but it was part of a "longer, secular decline in the underlying competitiveness of House districts since the mid 1980s" ("Electoral Origins of Partisan Polarization in Congress: Debunking the Myth," Extensions. A Journal of the Carl Albert Congressional Research and Studies Center [Fall 2005]).
[back]
***
*Lapham quoted Powell's warning "Survival of what we call the free enterprise system lies in organization, in careful long-range planning and implementation, in consistency of action over an indefinite period of years, in the scale of financing available only through joint effort, and in the political power available only through united action and national organizations."
[back]
***
*In explaining why beer maker Joseph Coors put up $250,000 in seed money for the Heritage Foundation in 1973, Micklethwait and Wooldridge wrote: "Coors was prodded into action in 1971 by a 5,000-word memorandum from Lewis Powell, an old-style Southern Democratic attorney (and later Nixon appointee to the Supreme Court). Powell argued that capitalism was under broad attack from some of its most pampered products—the liberal intelligentsia. He accused the business class not just of appeasing its critics, but also of financing their anticapitalist activities, and urged them to stand up more vigorously for their interests" (pp. 77–78).
[back]
***
†Piereson argued in the Wall Street Journal that the left's interest in the "supposedly nefarious strategies and tactics" used by foundations on the right ignores the ideas and policies that came out of the effort. A "particularly sinister role is ascribed to those conservative philanthropies that have helped fund thinkers, magazines and research institutions—on the assumption that no one would advance such self-evidently meretricious ideas unless paid to do so."
[back]
***
*Linguist William Labov of the University of Pennsylvania, one of the authors of The Atlas of North American English, told National Public Radio in February 2006 that "the regional dialects of this country are getting more and more different. So that people in Buffalo, St. Louis and Los Angeles are now speaking much more differently from each other than they ever did" (Interview, All Things Considered, National Public Radio, February 16, 2006, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5220090).
[back]
***
*Pollster Anna Greenberg reports that the gender gap, which grew to a 16-percentage point Democratic advantage in the 1996 and 2000 elections, shrank to only 3 percentage points in 2004 ("Mind the Gender Gap. Why Democrats Are Losing Women at an Alarming Rate," American Prospect, December 2004, p. 28)
[back]
***
*Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson wrote about "unequal polarization" in their 2005 book Off Center The Republican Revolution and the Erosion of American Democracy They contended that the primary cause of polarization in the United States was a move to the right by Republican officeholders.
[back]
***
*Every test of the data we devised showed increasing political segregation. For example, we measured the proportion of voters who lived in counties won by the opposing party in various presidential elections. In the elections after World War II, about half of all voters lived in places won by the opposing party From 1976 on, however, the percentage of voters living in counties won by the other party dropped, sinking to under 40 percent by 2004. That year, when George W Bush defeated John Kerry, only 34 percent of Democratic voters lived in counties won by Bush.
[back]
***
*In 2005, the Bay Area Center for Voting Research ranked cities from the most liberal to the most conservative. Lubbock was ranked the second most conservative U.S city behind Provo, Utah. Cambridge was merely the ninth most liberal city behind, among others, Detroit, Oakland, and Berkeley.
[back]
***
*Given the unchanging nature of U.S politics, most of these counties fell into the same categories in the 2000 election. Third-party candidates were excluded in these calculations Including third parties changes the statistical details but not the substantive results.
[back]
***
*As a U.S. senator, Santorum bought his own house in northern Virginia. That house became an issue in his 2006 reelection campaign against Democrat Bob Casey Jr., a race Santorum lost
[back]
***
*Stanley Milgram conducted the most extreme—and most famous—conformity experiments. He asked subjects to apply electric shocks to a victim As the charge was increased, the victim (unseen by the subjects) would moan, howl, and eventually scream The subjects were ordered to increase the power of the charge and to administer another shock. The subjects in the tests all administered shocks well beyond the level Milgram expected. No subject stopped prior to the level where the "victim kick[ed] the wall" and could not answer questions. Of forty subjects, twenty-six administered the strongest level of shock. One of the more interesting findings was that subjects were more apt to administer higher voltages when instructed to do so by someone in person. They were less likely to do so if the instructions were phoned in. See Stanley Milgram, "Behavioral Study of Obedience," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology (yj, no. 4 (1963): 371–78; Stanley Milgram, "Some Conditions of Obedience and Disobedience to Authority," Human Relations 18 (196
5): 57–76.
Face-to-face contact is powerful. The George W Bush campaign, especially in 2004, used face-to-face contact among culturally similar people to increase voter turnout.
[back]
***
*For example, women claiming sex discrimination won 75 percent of the time in front of an all-Democratic panel; they won only 31 percent of the time in front of an all-Republican panel. The same pattern was found in environmental and labor law cases as well.
[back]
***
†Gratuitous comparisons with the Nazi Party are a staple of our current political discourse I hope not to add to that rhetorical excess by noting here that studies of the Nazi ascendance found that the party was not homogeneous across Germany, but rather was concentrated in like-minded regions. John O'Loughlin, Colin Flint, and Luc Anselin, "The Geography of the Nazi Vote Context, Confession, and Class in the Reichstag Election of 1930," Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1994). 351–80.
Two geographers studying the 2004 U.S. presidential election said that they were "motivated by the striking similarity between U.S. electoral polarization and [O'Loughlin's] finding of significant geographic variations of local populations' effects on the outcome of the critical Nazi vote " Ian Sue Wing and Joan Walker, "The 2004 Presidential Election from a Spatial Perspective" (unpublished paper, 2005)
[back]
***
*Another example of this is a 1951 experiment in which students at Princeton and Dartmouth watched a film of a football game between the two schools. The students were asked to take note of foul play. "Dartmouth students saw mostly Princeton's offenses; Princeton students saw mostly Dartmouth's," reported the Wall Street journal (Cynthia Crossen, '"Cognitive Dissonance' Became a Milestone in 1950s Psychology," Wall Street Journal, December 4, 2006, p. B1)