THE LAST GANG IN TOWN
Copyright © 2016 by Aaron Chapman
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any part by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical—without the prior written permission of the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may use brief excerpts in a review, or in the case of photocopying in Canada, a license from Access Copyright.
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The publisher gratefully acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts and the British Columbia Arts Council for its publishing program, and the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund) and the Government of British Columbia (through the Book Publishing Tax Credit Program) for its publishing activities.
Cover and text design by Oliver McPartlin
Edited by Susan Safyan
Cover image: City of Vancouver Archives, cropped version of map PD 2100.3
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication:
Chapman, Aaron, 1971-, author
The last gang in town: the epic story of the police vs the Clark Park gang / Aaron Chapman.
Issued in print and electronic formats.
ISBN 978-1-55152-672-0 (eBooks)
1. Clark Park Gang. 2. Gangs—British Columbia—Vancouver—History—20th century. 3. Gang members—British Columbia—Vancouver—History—20th century. 4. Undercover operations—British Columbia—Vancouver—History—20th century. 5. Police shootings—British Columbia—Vancouver—History—20th century. 6. Vancouver (B.C.)—History—20th century. 7. Vancouver (B.C.)—Social conditions—20th century. I. Title.
HV6439.C32V2 2016
364.106’60971133
C2016-904927-2
C2016-904928-0
To those, on both sides of the law, no longer here.
CONTENTS
Introduction
One: Down and Out in East Vancouver
Two: The JDH
Three: Rumble
Four: The Good Old Bad Old Days
Five: General Admission
Six: Exile on Renfrew Street
Seven: The H-Squad
Eight: The Summer of ’72
Nine: Street Fightin’ Man
Ten: A Shot in the Dark
Eleven: The Wrong Man
Twelve: East Van Elegy
Afterword and Acknowledgments
References
Name Index
INTRODUCTION
The Clark Park gang. The worst of the worst. Hell-born, long-haired thugs from a generation of bastards raised on the hard streets in the East End of Vancouver. The brutal street gang erupted into violence everywhere they went, beating up everyone in sight. They’d arrive out of nowhere only to disappear back down into the dirty bowels of East Vancouver by the time police showed up—ready to put on knuckles, ready to fight, with a fist across your face, leaving you conscious just long enough to smell the sleeve of a faded red mack jacket that stinks of nicotine and rage.
The rev of an engine fed on leaded gasoline, the swing of a bike chain. A faceless bunch of troublemakers, delinquents, and goons, who’d catch you on the wrong side of town and, making good on a threat, sink a Dayton boot into your stomach with a laugh, only to roar like monster hellions back to Clark Park, their would-be headquarters and stomping ground, itself full of buried weapons and bad attitude.
They were always ready for anyone who dared cross them on their own turf. You’d leave bloodied, never to forget the experience. The Clark Parkers, ready to show up at anytime, anywhere, tonight … In the criminal history of Vancouver, they remain notorious villains, yet still full of mystery.
These are just some of the stories, rumours, truths, and lies about the Clark Park gang that Vancouverites were confronted with, especially in the relatively innocent years of the 1970s when they were known as dangerous street thugs, a period before Vancouver gangs became more interested in the money and guns associated with the international drug trade.
It is one of the least-known episodes in Vancouver’s criminal history, a time when street gangs, many associated with individual city parks, roamed the East End and in the process, attained a shadowy, mythical status that persists to this day.
And myth is a fitting term. Vancouver police and city prosecutors at the time only vaguely mentioned the gang amidst broad recriminations against the counterculture of the period. Television news didn’t accurately report on them, and while newspaper reporters of the era may have name-dropped the Clark Park gang from time to time, they never fully gained their trust enough to get an interview with members. Yet for a time, the Clark Park name was all over the city, and for decades the gang was presumed responsible for almost any assault, burglary, car theft, drug deal, or riot of the period.
Vancouver is a great deal different now than it was then. For one thing, the look of the city no longer changes markedly when you cross Main Street from west to east. While the dozen or so city blocks that make up the Downtown Eastside remain an area troubled by crime and open drug use, East Vancouver in general is no longer considered the tough working-class part of town or the wrong side of the tracks.
Now a new generation resides in East Vancouver, made up of university professors, dentists, lawyers, film technicians, website designers, or interior decorators who own expensive, refurbished, single-family homes that once belonged to tradesmen, warehousemen, sanitation workers, sheet-metal workers, and longshoremen. There are now multi-million dollar homes in East Van, just as there are in the tony Kerrisdale neighbourhood on the city’s west side.
The iconic “East Van” cross that was once a popular subject for graffiti in the East End—to some, an emblem of community pride, to others, associated with area gangs—today stands prominently as a public installation by artist Ken Lum. And while back then a thug in a mack jacket might have greeted an outsider with a swinging baseball bat, now the white, LED-lit twenty-metre sign innocuously welcomes all who enter the neighbourhood. As time goes by, fewer and fewer people will remember East Vancouver’s recent past or recognize the cross as the symbol of a “tough East Ender,” and it seems almost certain that this archetype will seem less relevant as gentrification continues its march through this part of the city.
There are both police officers and former gang members who still simply don’t wish to talk about the Clark Park gang in the early 1970s. Some constables who were integrally involved with the policing of the gang destroyed their personal notebooks upon retirement and continue to decline interviews. Others now feel comfortable enough to begin to recall this vivid time in their careers. As constable Brian Honeybourn told me, “I’ve never spoken of this in over forty years. I’ve never talked to the media. I’ve never really spoken about this with my own family until now.” And some of those who were once a part of the Clark Park gang are no longer phantoms—they do exist—though their numbers are dwindling. They remember a Vancouver that doesn’t exist but disappeared only a relatively short time ago.
Neither side has divulged their stories until now. In The Last Gang in Town, both sides tell two-fisted tales. Former gang members can tell you about the rumbles and fights that took place throughout East Vancouver as well as the laughs and tears they shared while incarcerated, whether in juvenile detention or in maximum-security Oakalla prison. The police, meanwhile, recall memories of the deafening noise being on the front lines of a riot squad and of being tasked with a mission that they had never before been asked to handle so covertly or so aggressively. Both sides have friends who are no longer alive, who never made it this far. And many are still connected by the sound of a gunshot tha
t rang out in the middle of the night in Vancouver’s Mount Pleasant area almost forty-five years ago, the echoes of which are still heard today.
Today the East Van Cross installation by artist Ken Lum at Clark Drive and Great Northern Way welcomes outsiders entering East Vancouver. It wasn’t always that way. The symbol has roots in the area going back at least sixty years.
PHOTO: Michal Urbánek, 2016
ONE: DOWN AND OUT IN EAST VANCOUVER
Today, Vancouver’s citizens discuss concerns over the cost of living and the problems of home affordability with the grave tones that other cities usually reserve for the topic of violent crime—which, according to most evening news reports, is now all but restricted to the suburbs. It wasn’t always so. The 1986 World’s Fair—Expo 86—is commonly cited as the event that changed Vancouver’s small-town sensibility forever. But was it a change for the better? This is hotly debated; many residents nostalgically remember Expo favourably while others believe it destroyed the city’s character. But the first significant signs of change in Vancouver took place considerably earlier than Expo, when Vancouver could be seen as two different and distinct cities.
More than fifty years ago, Vancouver started to undergo changes resulting from zoning bylaws, immigration, and industry that would begin to shape not only its size and density, but also the kind of policing issues it would face in the future. The city’s downtown core and West End would undergo drastic change in the 1960s, thanks to new zoning bylaws that encouraged the development of 220 highrises and apartment buildings, creating a new city skyline where single-family, three-storey homes had stood before.1
The economy of British Columbia was still being driven by large lumber companies such as MacMillan Bloedel, and that industry coated the province in sawdust, even in downtown Vancouver, where log booms sat next to the wharves on False Creek. From the 1920s to the beginning of the 1960s, False Creek “rivalled Pittsburgh for smoke output.”2 But this was beginning to change. As Vancouver historian Bruce MacDonald notes: “In 1963 there were just three sawmills left in False Creek. The utilization of sawmill waste in BC’s new pulp mills and the subsequent disappearance of smoking beehive burners greatly reduced the amount of smoke in the city’s air and halted the number of foggy days compared to the 1940s.”3
In the 1960s, some properties in the city sold for less than they had in 19124, but by the early 1970s new and old homeowners were becoming property speculators, and within just a few years a real estate boom doubled property values. However, while downtown and west side residents were experiencing a sense of growth and a promise of prosperity, East Vancouver was a different story. The east side neighbourhood of Strathcona was regarded as a blighted area. Even before the 1967 proposal to run a freeway through it, areas of East Vancouver were slated for demolition. Since the 1950s, banks would not lend money to area residents for home improvements. In general, East Vancouver was not often regarded as an attractive neighbourhood, especially in comparison to the west side of the city.
In fact, for much of Vancouver’s history the west and east sides of Vancouver were seen as two very distinct parts of town. They differed in attitudes, occupations, cultural makeup, and political affiliations, with residents on the west side typically white-collar workers, and those on the east side mostly blue-collar and less prosperous.
While the East Van neighbourhood surrounding Commercial Drive is today regarded as a multicultural area, home to a broad array of eateries and cafés, and where a left-of-centre cool is seen in abundant supply on the sidewalks and in its stores, in the 1960s East Vancouver had none of this. Students, artists, musicians, and the counterculture were more often found in the west side neighbourhood of Kitsilano, near the University of British Columbia. East Van was yet to undergo the influx of Vietnamese and Latin American immigrants in the late 1970s and ’80s that resulted in new ethnic businesses on Commercial Drive. In the early 1970s, the area was widely regarded as Vancouver’s Little Italy.
There was plenty of colour and personality in the neighbourhood: On the street, the sounds of children taking accordion lessons in the back of barber shops could be heard mixed with the shouts of adults playing cards or doing a little wagering on the horse races at Exhibition Park. Women walking by themselves along Commercial Drive in the afternoons were used to being catcalled or whistled at. Some ignored it, but others fired back with vivid Italian swear words or hand gestures they’d learned even if they themselves weren’t Italian. East Vancouver children learned to skate on Trout Lake back when the winter froze it over, and learned to swim there in the summer.
Many Commercial Drive businesses that Vancouverites would now consider venerable institutions didn’t open until the 1970s, such as Joe’s Café in 1974 (although Nick’s Spaghetti House has been on the Drive since 1955). Other stores included Grippo Television Repair, Manitoba Hardware, Norman’s Market, and Longo’s Auto Shop, along with Monty’s Pool Hall and Grand-view Billiards (open since 1921, until it closed in the early 2000s, and today home to Falconetti’s East Side Grill and The Cannibal Café)5. For a bite to eat, you could go to Wally’s Burgers, but you could also find home-cooked burgers made by the old-timer off Victoria Drive who grilled them on his hibachi and sold them right off the front stoop of his apartment building.
Commercial Drive circa 1960s.
PHOTO: Walter E. Frost, City of Vancouver Archives, CVA 447-310
Down at the corner of Princess and Hastings streets was Curly’s Tattoos, run by the wheelchair-bound Curly Allen himself (real name John W. Weatherhead). Although paralyzed on his left side, he inked thousands of tattoos in East Vancouver for generations, always with an ever-present cigarette that dangled from his lips. His shop was just up the street from a butcher who advertised horse meat for sale; the sign stayed for years, long after they’d stopped selling it.
Until 1970, you had to be older than twenty-one to drink alcohol when the legal age was dropped to nineteen. Those who were even younger but looked reasonably old enough might drink their first beers down at the American Hotel on Main or in one of the bars in Chinatown that didn’t ask for ID—unless it was a Sunday when all the liquor stores and bars were closed, leaving the more adventurous to head to Point Roberts across the border in Washington State.
Keith Singer, who was born in 1951 and raised in East Vancouver where his father was known in the local billiard halls as a pool hustler, recalls that there was a sense of stagnation in East Vancouver that especially affected neighbourhood youth. “There wasn’t a lot to do or places to go in this area of town. East Van was a working-class area that had started to run down. There were a lot of older businesses and older homes, but there wasn’t a lot to do if you didn’t have a job or went to school. [The local secondary schools] Vancouver Technical and Gladstone weren’t known as academic schools or strong in athletics [programs]. So a lot of kids had a lot of time on their hands. If you quit school, you had even more time to kill. Put this together with the drug culture that had spread in the area and you have a cultural time bomb.”
Rod MacDonald, who grew up south of Clark Park in the 1960s and later worked as a battalion chief with the Vancouver Fire Department, remembers the divide in the city: “The difference between the east side and west side was very noticeable back then. I remember, we went on a visit to a west side school, and everything was nicer, modern, and new there, where our school was really rundown. That sort of thing, that the west side was better off, helped build our dislike [of west siders]. Where we were from, everything was so worse off.”
It would be disingenuous to characterize East Van’s social problems as approaching anything like the level of urban decay taking place in larger cities at the time, especially in the United States; this was not the South Bronx, after all. There were no depopulated blocks or boarded-up, burnt-out buildings lying in rubble, or drunks passed out or dead on Commercial Drive. But some of the same symptoms of poverty, substance abuse, and absentee parents, combined with North America-wide trends i
n music, youth counter-culture attitudes, and fashion, contributed to the likelihood of East Vancouver kids joining territorial street gangs as in other cities.
Many East Van youths also shared the experience of having immigrant families. “There was a common denominator in that all our parents were from other ethnicities or countries,” remembers Al Walker, who later, as a full-time musician and prominent blues-rock guitarist with his born-and-raised-in-the-East-End roots, played hundreds of gigs in neighbourhood clubs as he came up in the scene. Born in 1956, he grew up in East Vancouver and attended Gladstone secondary school. “There weren’t just Italian families, but Scottish, Irish, Portuguese, Eastern European … My father had come from South Africa. But one thing everybody seemed to have in common were parents who came from somewhere else, where they’d been poor or left for political reasons. Living in this new country, they’d constantly warn us not to get in trouble—so much so, it drove us crazy.”
Some parents were overly worried about their kids, but there were others who seemed unable to care for their children at all. These parents, who had lived through the war, were perhaps too preoccupied just trying to put their lives back together to deal with the rest of the world, including their kids. Whether beset with chronic unemployment, poverty, or alcoholism, this story would be repeated time and time again by many East Vancouver families. All too often the boys who lived in such homes learned to shut up before they could talk, and home life seemed constantly filled with tension. Sometimes an absentee mother didn’t see her children enough to take care of them; in other cases, it was a nightly guessing game to determine the father’s state of drunkenness: would he be tipsy and thus in a good mood, or would the demon drink turn Dad into a minotaur and the home a labyrinth where the boys were chased and beaten, leaving their mothers or sisters lying curled up on the floor? The nightmare of the evening before was never spoken of the next day. “You had hard-working, hard-drinking people,” Rod MacDonald recalls. “There was more than one kid out on the street at eleven o’clock at night. If your parents were awake, sometimes you just didn’t go home.”
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