by Неизвестный
Correlates of attitudes toward sexual harassment among early adolescents
Early adolescent males who viewed mostly R- and X- (NC-17) rated films had a more accepting attitude toward sexual harassment than did males who viewed mostly G, PG, and PG-13 films. Early adolescent females who listened to more pop music were more accepting of sexual harassment than were females who listened to little pop music.
Strouse, Jeremiah, Megan Goodwin, and Bruce Roscoe. “Correlates of Attitudes Toward Sexual Harassment Among Early Adolescents.” Sex Roles 31 (1994): 559–577.
The research on women and pornography: The many faces of harm
Twenty-four percent of women surveyed indicated that they were upset by someone trying to get them to do something that they had seen in pornography. Those women who answered “yes” were more likely to have been victims of threatened or actual sexual assault.
Senn, Charlene. “The Research on Women and Pornography: The Many Faces of Harm.” In Making Violence Sexy, ed. Diana E. H. Russell. New York: Teachers College Press, 1993.
Women’s attitudes and fantasies about rape as a function of early exposure to pornography
Women who were exposed to pornography as children were more likely to accept the rape myth and to have sexual fantasies that involved rape.
Corne, Shawn, John Briere, and Lillian Esses. “Women’s Attitudes and Fantasies About Rape as a Function of Early Exposure to Pornography.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7, no. 4 (1992): 454–461.
Is sexual erotica associated with sexual deviance in adolescent males?
Juvenile sexual offenders were questioned about their use of sexually explicit material. Only 11% said that they did not use sexually explicit material. Of those who used it, 74% said that it increased their sexual arousal.
Becker, Judith, and Robert Stein. “Is Sexual Erotica Associated With Sexual Deviance in Adolescent Males?” International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 14 (1991): 85–95.
Pornography as a source of sex information
Men rated seven sources of sex information. The highest sources of sex information for males were (1) friends, (2) media, (3) books, and (4) pornography. The lowest sources of sex information for males were (5) school, (6) parents, and (7) church. Females rated the same seven sources of sex information. For females, the highest sources of sex information were (1) friends, (2) books, (3) parents, and (4) school. For females, the lowest sources of sex information were (5) media, (6) pornography, and (7) church.
Duncan, David, and J. William Donnelly. “Pornography as a Source of Sex Information for Students at a Private Northeastern University.” Psychological Reports 68 (1991): 782.
Dissociation and abuse among multiple-personality patients, prostitutes, and exotic dancers
Strippers and prostitutes suffer from a number of psychiatric disorders. Childhood abuse often precedes their entry into the sexual exploitation industry.
Ross, Colin, Geri Anderson, Sharon Heber, and Ron Norton. “Dissociation and Abuse Among Multiple-Personality Patients, Prostitutes, and Exotic Dancers.” Hospital and Community Psychiatry 41, no. 3 (1990): 328–330.
University males’ sexual interest in children: Predicting potential indices of “pedophilia” in a nonforensic sample
A survey was administered to 193 male undergraduate students regarding their sexual interest in children, as well as their responses to a number of questions theoretically relevant to pedophilia. In total, 21% of subjects reported sexual attraction to some small children, 9% described sexual fantasies involving children, 5% admitted to having masturbated to such fantasies, and 7% indicated some likelihood of having sex with a child if they could avoid detection and punishment. These sexual interests were associated with negative early sexual experiences, masturbation to pornography, self-reported likelihood of raping a woman, frequent sex partners, sexual conflicts, and attitudes supportive of sexual dominance over women. The data did not, however, support clinical theories regarding sexual repression or impulse-control problems among potential pedophiles.
Note: Sexual interest in children did not correlate with use of pornography but did correlate with masturbation to pornography.
Briere, John, and Marsha Runtz. “University Males’ Sexual Interest in Children: Predicting Potential Indices of ‘Pedophilia’ in a Nonforensic Sample.” Child Abuse and Neglect 13 (1989): 65–75.
The effects of repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, non-violent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica
High pornography users were higher than low pornography users on scales measuring rape myth acceptance, acceptance of violence against women, adversarial sex beliefs, reported likelihood of committing rape and forced sex acts, and sex callousness.
High pornography users who were shown non-violent, dehumanizing pornography showed higher scores in reported likelihood of committing rape, sex callousness, and sexually aggressive behaviors than did high pornography users who weren’t shown pornography.
Check, James V. P., and Ted Guloien. “The Effects of Repeated Exposure to Sexually Violent Pornography; Nonviolent, Dehumanizing Pornography; and Erotica.” In Pornography: Recent Research, Interpretations, and Policy Considerations, eds. Dolf Zillmann and Jennings Bryant. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989.
The use of sexually explicit stimuli by rapists, child molesters, and non-offenders
Sex offenders show a high rate of use of hard-core pornography: child molesters (67%), incest offenders (53%), and rapists (83%), compared with nonoffenders (29%). Child molesters (37%) and rapists (35%) were more likely to use pornography as an instigator to offending than were incest offenders (13%). The material used to instigate offending was often adult and consensual pornography.
Marshall, William. “The Use of Sexually Explicit Stimuli by Rapists, Child Molesters, and Non Offenders.” Journal of Sex Research 25, no. 2 (1988): 267–288.
I never called it rape
Men who engaged in date rape rated as “very frequently” how often they read Playboy, Penthouse, Chic, Club, Forum, Gallery, Genesis, Oui, or Hustler.
Warshaw, Robin. I Never Called It Rape. New York: HarperCollins, 1988.
Use of pornography in the criminal and developmental histories of sex offenders
Child molesters when compared with rapists indicated:
More exposure to pornography as an adult
More use of pornography prior to criminal offenses
More use of pornography during criminal offenses
More use of pornography to relieve the impulse to commit an offense
More overall influence of pornography on life
Carter, Daniel Lee, Robert Alan Prentky, Raymond Knight, Penny Vanderveer, and Richard Boucher. “Use of Pornography in the Criminal and Developmental Histories of Sex Offenders.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 2, no. 2 (1987): 196–211.
An empirical investigation of the role of pornography in the verbal and physical abuse of women
Battered women experienced significantly more sexual violence than did non-battered controls. In addition, 39% of the battered women indicated that their partners had tried to get them to act out pornographic scenes they had been shown as compared with 3% of the controls.
Sommers, Evelyn, and James V. P. Check. “An Empirical Investigation of the Role of Pornography in the Verbal and Physical Abuse of Women.” Violence and Victims 2, no.1 (1987): 189–209.
Shifting preferences in pornography consumption
Male and female students and non-students were shown videos for one hour each week for six weeks. Half of these subjects were shown pornography that was non-violent and included common sexual practices. Half were shown videos that didn’t have any pornography or violence and were innocuous. Two weeks after they stopped, all of the subjects were given an opportunity to watch videos in private. Those who saw the pornography were significantly more likely to pick harder-core pornography, which included sex with animals and sex that included violence. Those who
had seen the innocuous videos were unlikely to pick the pornographic videos to watch. They were especially unlikely to pick the hard-core pornographic ones.
Watching pornographic videos increases the interest in watching pornographic videos that are more hard-core and contain unusual and/or pathological sexual behaviors.
Zillmann, Dolf, and Jennings Bryant. “Shifting Preferences in Pornography Consumption.” Communication Research 13, no. 4 (1986): 560–578.
An empirical assessment of some feminist hypotheses about rape
One group of males saw a portrayal of a woman who was aroused by sexual violence. A second group saw control materials. Both groups then were exposed to pornography that involved rape. The first group who had seen a woman aroused by sexual violence was more likely than the second group who did not see those images to say that the woman in the rape pornography suffered less and enjoyed it, and that women in general enjoy rape.
Check, James, and Neil M. Malamuth. “An Empirical Assessment of Some Feminist Hypotheses About Rape.” International Journal of Women’s Studies 8 (1985): 414–423.
Sexual stratification, pornography, and rape in the United States
The correlation between rape rates and circulation rates for eight pornographic magazines (Playboy, Hustler, Oui, Chic, Club, Forum, Gallery, and Genesis) in 50 states was +.64. States with higher circulation rates had higher rape rates.
Baron, Larry, and Murray Straus. “Sexual Stratification, Pornography, and Rape in the United States.” In Pornography and Sexual Aggression, eds. Neil M. Malamuth and Edward Donnerstein. New York: Academic Press, 1984.
Sex and violence: A ripple effect
In South Australia the pornography laws were liberalized, which saw a 284% increase in rape. During the same time period in Queensland, Australia, there were in place conservative pornography laws, and they experienced only a 23% increase in rape.
In Hawaii, pornography laws were liberalized and then became more restrictive, and then they were liberalized again. The rape curve followed the same pattern of increasing, then decreasing, when the restriction on pornography occurred, and then increasing again when the restrictions were lifted.
Court, John. “Sex and Violence: A Ripple Effect.” In Pornography and Sexual Aggression, eds. Neil M. Malamuth and Edward Donnerstein. New York: Academic Press, 1984.
Pornography: Its effects on violence against women
Males were either angered or not, and then either they were shown a pornographic movie in which a female was distressed throughout a sexual assault or they were not shown a movie. The males who were angered and saw the movie gave more electric shocks to a female than did the males who were not angered and didn’t see the movie.
Males were either angered or not, and then either they were shown a pornographic movie in which a female was portrayed as becoming sexually aroused at the end of the movie or not shown a movie. The males who saw the movie gave more electric shocks to a female whether they had been angered or not.
Donnerstein, Edward. “Pornography: Its Effects on Violence Against Women.” In Pornography and Sexual Aggression, eds. Neil M. Malamuth and Edward Donnerstein. New York: Academic Press, 1984.
Effects of massive exposure to pornography
Exposure to “massive pornography” (4 hours and 48 minute) leads to changes in beliefs and attitudes; for example, reduced support for the women’s liberation movement, reduced belief that pornography needs to be restricted for minors, reduced recommended jail sentences for rapists, increased callousness toward woman, and beliefs of increased frequency of pathological sex (such as sex with animals and sex with violence).
Zillmann, Dolf, and Jennings Bryant. “Effects of Massive Exposure to Pornography.” In Pornography and Sexual Aggression, eds. Neil M. Malamuth and Edward Donnerstein. New York: Academic Press, 1984.
Self-reported likelihood of sexually aggressive behavior: Attitudinal versus sexual explanations
Sixty percent of males said that there was some likelihood that if they thought they wouldn’t get caught, then they would be willing to force a women to do something she really didn’t want to do and/or rape her.
Briere, John, and Neil M. Malamuth. “Self-Reported Likelihood of Sexually Aggressive Behavior: Attitudinal Versus Sexual Explanations.” Journal of Research in Personality 17 (1983): 315–323.
Sexual experiences survey: A research instrument investigating sexual aggression and victimization
The more frequently men used pornography, and the more violent the pornography they used, the more likely they were to be involved in various types of coercive sex, including physical coercion.
Koss, Mary, and Cheryl Oros. “Sexual Experiences Survey: A Research Instrument Investigating Sexual Aggression and Victimization.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 50 (1982): 455–457.
Rape fantasies as a function of exposure to violent sexual stimuli
Males were exposed to either an arousing rape slide-audio presentation, or an arousing non-rape slide-audio presentation. Later they were asked to try to describe fantasies they would use to try to reach as high a level of sexual arousal as they could without providing any direct stimulation to the penis. Those who had been exposed to the rape presentation created more sexually violent fantasies than did those exposed to the non-rape presentation.
Malamuth, Neil M. “Rape Fantasies as a Function of Exposure to Violent Sexual Stimuli.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 10 (1981): 33–47.
Experimentally induced “sexual fetishism”: Replication and development
Males can learn to get sexually aroused to the image of a woman’s boot by seeing images of nude women associated with a boot.
Rachman, Stanley, and R. J. Hodgson. “Experimentally Induced ‘Sexual Fetishism’: Replication and Development.” Psychological Record 18 (1968): 25–27. 247
A NOTE ON THE WITHERSPOON INSTITUTE
The majority of the papers in this volume were presented to an audience of scholars, professionals, journalists, and non-profit leaders at a consultation of the Witherspoon Institute, held in Princeton, New Jersey, in December 2008.
The Witherspoon Institute works to enhance public understanding of the political, moral, and philosophical principles of free and democratic societies. It promotes the application of these principles to contemporary problems.
The Institute is named for John Witherspoon (1723–1794), a leading member of the Continental Congress, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, the sixth president of Princeton University, and a mentor to James Madison. As important as these and his other notable accomplishments are, however, it is Witherspoon’s commitment to liberal education and his recognition of the dignity of human freedom, whether it be personal, political, or religious, that inspire the Institute’s name.
In furtherance of its educational mission, the Witherspoon Institute supports a variety of scholarly activities. It sponsors the research and teaching of its fellows; organizes consultations, lectures, and colloquia on contemporary issues and problems; and encourages and assists scholarly collaboration among individuals sharing the Institute’s interest in the foundations of a free society. The Witherspoon Institute also serves as a resource for the media and other organizations seeking comment on matters of concern to the Institute and its associated scholars.
For more information about the work of the Witherspoon Institute, please visit www.winst.org.
A NOTE ON THE SOCIAL TRENDS INSTITUTE
The Social Trends Institute is a non-profit research center that offers institutional and financial support to academics of all fields who seek to make sense of emerging social trends and their effects on human communities.
STI focuses its research on four subject areas: Family, Bioethics, Culture and Lifestyles, and Corporate Governance. Primarily it organizes Experts Meetings, which bring together various scholars to present and discuss each others’ original research in an academic forum. These meetings are intended to foster open intellectual dialogue
between scholars from all over the world, of various academic backgrounds, disciplines, and beliefs. At times, STI helps to publish a collection of the meeting papers in a single volume, revised and reviewed in light of the discussion.
STI hopes to promote research and scholarship of the highest academic standards. In so doing, it aims to make a scholarly contribution toward understanding the varying and complex social trends that are intertwined with the modern world. STI is committed, then, to that which makes such scholarship possible: intellectual freedom, openness to a diversity of viewpoints, and a shared commitment to serve the common good.
Founded in New York City, STI also has a delegation in Barcelona, Spain. For more information about the Social Trends Institute, please visit www.socialtrends institute.org.
A NOTE ON THE INSTITUTE FOR THE PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCES
The Institute for the Psychological Sciences is an institution of higher education offering master’s and doctoral degrees in clinical psychology.
The Institute seeks to provide an effective academic and educational environment that incorporates the integral understanding of the person with the psychological sciences. IPS trains students intellectually and professionally through teaching the knowledge and clinical skills necessary to prepare them to respond to their calling as mental health professionals.
As part of its mission, IPS organizes colloquia, conferences, special seminars, and various scholarly activities to enrich the academic life of the students. The eighth John Henry Cardinal Newman Lecture Series along with the Monograph Series published by the IPS Press exemplify the Institute’s commitment to interdisciplinary dialogue engaging the culture at large.