Grimly tally the number of people who have been killed by terrorism in the United States since the State Department began keeping records in the 1960s, and you’ll get a total of less than 5,000—roughly the same number, it has been pointed out, as those who have been struck by lightning. But each year, with some fluctuation, the number of people killed in car crashes in the United States tops 40,000. More people are killed on the roads each month than were killed in the September 11 attacks. In the wake of those attacks, polls found that many citizens thought it was acceptable to curtail civil liberties to help counter the threat of terrorism, to help preserve our “way of life.” Those same citizens, meanwhile, in polls and in personal behavior, have routinely resisted traffic measures designed to reduce the annual death toll (e.g., lowering speed limits, introducing more red-light cameras, stiffer blood alcohol limits, stricter cell phone laws).
Ironically, the normal business of life that we are so dedicated to preserving is actually more dangerous to the average person than the threats against it. Road deaths in the three months after 9/11, for example, were 9 percent higher than those during the similar periods in the two years before. Given that airline passenger numbers dropped during this same period, it can be assumed some people chose to drive rather than fly. It might be precisely because of all the vigilance that no further deaths due to terrorism have occurred in the United States since 9/11—even as more than two hundred thousand people have died on the roads. This raises the question of why we do not mount a similarly concerted effort to improve the “security” of the nation’s roads; instead, in the wake of 9/11, newspapers have been filled with stories of traffic police being taken off the roads and assigned to counterterrorism.
In the 1990s, the United Kingdom dropped its road fatalities by 34 percent. The United States managed a 6.5 percent reduction. Why the difference? Better air bags, safer cars? It was mostly speed, one study concluded (although U.S. drivers also rack up many more miles each year). While the United Kingdom was introducing speed cameras, the United States was resisting cameras and raising speed limits. Had the United States pulled off what the United Kingdom did, it is suggested, 10,000 fewer people would have been killed.
Why doesn’t the annual road death toll elicit the proportionate amount of concern? One reason may simply be the trouble we have in making sense of large numbers, because of what has been called “psychophysical numbing.” Studies have shown that people think it’s more important to save the same number of lives in a small refugee camp than a large refugee camp: Saving ten lives in a fifty-person camp seems more desirable than saving ten lives in a two-hundred-person camp, even though ten lives is ten lives. We seem less sensitive to changes when the numbers are larger.
By contrast, in what is called the “identifiable victim effect,” we can be quite sensitive to the suffering of one person, like the victim of a terrible disease. We are, in fact, so sensitive to the suffering of one person that, as work by the American psychologist and risk-analysis expert Paul Slovic has shown, people are more likely to give more money to charity campaigns that feature one child rather than those that show multiple children—even when the appeal features only one more child.
Numbers, rather than commanding more attention for a problem, just seem to push us toward paralysis. (Perhaps this goes back to that evolutionary small-group hypothesis.) Traffic deaths present a further problem: Whereas a person in jeopardy can possibly be saved, we cannot know with certainty ahead of time who will be a crash victim—even most legally drunk drivers, after all, make it home safely. In fatal crashes, victims usually die instantly, out of sight. Their deaths are dispersed in space and time, with no regular accumulated reporting of all who died. There are no vigils or pledge drives for fatal car-crash victims, just eulogies, condolences, and thoughts about how “it can happen to anyone,” even if fatal car crashes are not as statistically random as we might think.
Psychologists have argued that our fears tend to be amplified by “dread” and “novelty.” A bioterrorism attack is a new threat that we dread because it seems beyond our control. People have been dying in cars, on the other hand, for more than a century, often by factors presumably within their control. We also seem to think things are somehow less risky when we can feel a personal benefit they provide (like cars) than when we cannot (like nuclear power). Still, even within the realm of traffic, risks seem to be misperceived. Take so-called road rage. The number of people shot and killed on the road every year, even in gun-happy America, unofficially numbers around a dozen (far fewer than those killed by lightning). Fatigue, meanwhile, contributes to some 12 percent of crashes. We are better advised to watch out for yawning drivers than pistol-packing drivers.
Our feelings about which risks we should fear, as the English risk expert John Adams argues, are colored by several important factors. Is something voluntary or not? Do we feel that something is in our control or beyond our control? What is the potential reward? Some risks are voluntary, in our control (we think), and there is a reward. “A pure self-imposed, self-controlled voluntary risk might be something like rock climbing,” Adams said. “The risk is the reward.” No one forces a rock climber to take risks, and when rock climbers die, no one else feels threatened. (The same might be said of suicide versus murder.) Other risks are voluntary but we cede control—for example, taking a cross-country bus trip. We have no sway over the situation. Imagine that you are at the bus station and see a driver drinking a beer at the bar. Then imagine you see the same driver at the wheel as you board your bus. How would you feel? Nervous, I would guess.
Now imagine yourself at a bar having a beer. Then imagine yourself getting in your car to drive home. Did you envision the same dread and panic? Probably not, because you were, at least in your own mind, in control. You’re the manager of your own risk. This is why people think they have a better chance of winning the lottery if they pick the numbers (it is also, admittedly, more fun that way). We get nervous about ceding control over risk to other people. Not surprisingly, we tend to inflate risk most dramatically for things that are involuntary, out of our control, and offer no reward. “The July 7 bombings here in London killed six days’ worth of death on the road,” Adams said. “After this event, ten thousand people gathered in Trafalgar Square. You don’t get ten thousand people in Trafalgar Square lamenting last week’s road death toll.”
Why is there no outrage? Driving is voluntary, it’s in our control, and there’s a reward. And so we fail to recognize the real danger cars present. Research in the United States has shown, for example, that exurban areas—the sprawling regions beyond the old inner-ring suburbs—pose greater risks to their inhabitants than central cities as a whole. This despite a cultural preconception that the opposite is true. The key culprit? Traffic fatalities. The less dense the environment, the more dangerous it is. If we wanted dramatically safer roads overnight—virtually fatality-free—it wouldn’t actually be difficult. We could simply lower the speed limit to ten miles per hour (as in those Dutch woonerven). Does that seem absurd? In the early 1900s that was the speed limit. In Bermuda, very few people die in cars each year. The island-wide speed limit is 35 kilometers per hour (roughly 22 miles per hour). In the United States, to take one example, Sanibel Island, Florida, which like Bermuda has a 35 mph maximum, has not seen a traffic fatality this century, despite a heavy volume of cars and cyclists. But merely lowering mean speeds as little as one mile per hour, as Australian researchers have found, lowers crash risks.
As societies, we have gradually accepted faster and faster speeds as a necessary part of a life of increasing distances, what Adams calls “hypermobility.” Higher speeds enable life to be lived at a scale in which time is more important than distance. Ask someone what their commute is, and they will inevitably give an answer in minutes, as if they were driving across a clock face. Our cars have been engineered to bring a certain level of safety to these speeds, but even this is rather arbitrary, for what is safe about an activity that ki
lls tens of thousands of people a year and seriously injures many more than that? We drive with a certain air of invincibility, even though air bags and seat belts will not save us in roughly half the crashes we might get into, and despite the fact that, as Australian crash researcher Michael Paine has pointed out, half of all traffic fatalities to seat-belt-wearing drivers in frontal collisions happen at impact speeds at or below the seemingly slow level of 35 miles per hour.
We have deemed the rewards of mobility worth the risk. The fact that we’re at the wheel skews our view. Not only do we think we’re better than the average driver—that “optimistic bias” again—but studies show that we think we’re less likely than the average driver to be involved in a crash. The feeling of control lowers our sense of risk. What’s beyond our control comes to seem riskier, even though it is “human factors,” not malfunctioning vehicles, faulty roads, or the weather, that are responsible for an estimated 90 percent of crashes.
On the road, we make our judgments about what’s risky and what’s safe using our own imperfect human calculus. We think large trucks are dangerous, but then we drive unsafely around them. We think roundabouts are more dangerous than intersections, although they’re more safe. We think the sidewalk is a safer place to ride a bike, even though it’s not. We worry about getting into a crash on “dangerous” holiday weekends but stop worrying during the week. We do not let children walk to school even though driving in a car presents a greater hazard. We use hands-free cell phones to avoid risky dialing and then spend more time on risky calls (among other things). We carefully stop at red lights when there are no other cars, but exceed the speed limit during the rest of the trip. We buy SUVs because we think they’re safer and then drive them in more dangerous ways. We drive at a minuscule following distance to the car ahead, exceeding our ability to avoid a crash, with a blind faith that the driver ahead will never have a reason to suddenly stop. We have gotten to the point where cars are safer than ever, yet traffic fatalities cling to stubbornly high levels. We know all this, and act as if we don’t.
Driving Lessons
Before embarking on this book, I hadn’t thought much about driving since first learning to do it and acquiring my license on the, ahem, second try. Since then, I’ve logged a few hundred thousand miles or so, had several minor crashes (“accidents” if you must, though both were easily my fault, because of careless behavior whose specifics shall be withheld), and dropped by to the Department of Motor Vehicles every decade or so to glance at an eye chart and get renewed by a grumpy clerk. I mostly just got behind the wheel, fussed over the radio, and hit the road with a mixture of anxiety and wonder: anxiety over the danger of it all, the crumpled cars on the roadside, the shockingly poor behavior, the nervous way people say, “Drive safely” as you leave them; and a simultaneous sense of wonder that we’re all able to move about at high speeds, in such great numbers, with such fluidity.
After spending a long time sifting through the theories and science of traffic, I wondered if there was not still more to be learned about driving a car. I thought, Why not go to those people who, for sport and for a living, drive cars at the absolute limits, in conditions that make even the most frantic traffic seem sedentary? What could race-car drivers have to teach civilians about driving? And so one morning I found myself hunched into one of those small chairs with an attached desk, part of a group including gum-chewing teens and graying sixtysomethings, in a brightly lit classroom at the Bob Bondurant School of High Performance Driving, just south of Phoenix. At the front of the class stood Les Betchner, jauntily tanned and with spiky blond hair, a sometime stock-car racer who exuded the easy patter and ridiculously innate competence that just seems the birthright of people like airline pilots and sports instructors.
Drivers, as you well know by now, tend to self-enhance. We are thin-skinned about our sense of driving competence. One is loath to admit, at age forty, that there are new things to be learned. And yet this is just what was happening. “A steering wheel doesn’t do much,” Betchner was saying. “You steer with the pedals.” What? I snapped to attention. Steer with the pedals? He was PowerPointing his way through the problems of skidding around corners. Racers loathe skidding, not because it means they are out of control but because they are, as they say, “scrubbing speed.” “We never want to slide,” Betchner said. “That’s the slow way around the track.”
As you may recall from your driving lessons, there are two kinds of corner skids, an “understeer skid” and an “oversteer skid.” On the race track they say an understeer skid means it’s your front end that’s smacking the guardrail, while in an oversteer skid your rear end hits first. Despite the word steer, steering is only part of knowing how to react to and correct for under- or oversteer situations. It can often hurt more than help. “Add a bunch of steering, you go right off the road,” Betchner said. “Physics is now part of your life.”
The real key to skid control, he explained, is “weight transfer.” In an understeer skid, the car’s front wheels have lost traction. Attempting to steer will only make matters worse. Braking shifts weight to the front and adds grip. In an oversteer skid, meanwhile, the rear of the car has lost traction and wants to pass the front. The slip angle, or the difference between the direction the tires are pointed and the direction they are actually moving, is greater in the rear tires than the front. The first step in taming the rear wheels is, essentially, taking the turn more widely. So instead of moving the steering wheel in the direction of the turn, increasing the slip angle, you must “steer into the skid”—move the steering wheel in the direction the rear of the car is moving. Many of us know what “steer into the skid” means without really knowing what it means. The larger problem, Betchner pointed out, is that no one is ever taught what to do next. He queried the room. There were some half-mumbled answers. No two seemed to be the same. “Pray?” someone joked.
The answer is the opposite of what you might expect: Hit the gas. “When in doubt, flat out,” instructed Betchner. (Actually, he added, you want to add just a touch of throttle input.) The natural instinct, of course, is to hit the brakes. The problem is that this shifts weight to the front end of the car—exactly where you don’t want it to be. As your car dips toward the front end, you’re helping your rear wheels lose their already tenuous grip on the road. They need every ounce of pressure they can get. Then there is the final problem. You can’t just keep steering into a skid. “That’s where we find ourselves getting into trouble,” said Mike McGovern, another longtime Bondurant instructor. “We do that first part well, but when the car hooks up and comes back to straight, we hold the steering. We don’t unwind it. We’re telling the car to turn again, and that’s when you get into a secondary skid.” This is another somewhat counterintuitive lesson: To fully reassert control, you need to relinquish the steering, letting the pull of the realigned tires do the work as the steering wheel spins through your hands.
Another lesson that seemed rather obvious—but proved curiously powerful once tried out on the test track—was the Bondurant mantra “Look where you want to go.” This recalls the “moth effect” phenomenon and brings up a chicken-and-egg sort of problem that vision researchers still debate: Do we automatically travel in the direction we are looking, or do we first search for a target destination and then keep looking in that direction to maintain our course? Do we drive where we look or look where we drive? The former, arguably: As one study found, “there is a systematic and reliable tendency for [drivers] to follow their direction of gaze with their direction of travel, in many cases without the conscious awareness of doing so at all.”
This might seem rather academic and of little concern to you, but consider what happens when a car suddenly pulls out in front of you as you’re speeding down a rural road. If you “target fixate,” as the Bondurant instructors call it—that is, look at the car that pulled out instead of where you need to be to evade the crash—do you have less chance of avoiding the accident? Does your “gaze eccentri
city,” as vision people call it, negatively affect your ability to steer away from the obstacle?
The science is still inconclusive, but on the Bondurant “skid pad” the effectiveness of the racer’s maxim “Look where you want to go” was made strikingly clear. I was driving a Pontiac Grand Prix equipped with outrigger wheels attached to the back end. At the flick of a switch, the instructor could raise the car to simulate a skid at much faster speeds. As I repeatedly drove in loops and practiced getting out of oversteer skids, I found I corrected more easily by concentrating not on the giant barrier of rubber tires I was sliding toward (admittedly not an easy thing to ignore) but on that place around the corner where I wanted to be.
It would be easy to dismiss the school, with its fleets of Corvettes, its acrid tang of burned rubber and exhaust, its looping Grand Prix–style track, as a playground for the unhinged libidinal fantasies of people normally shackled by the world of everyday driving. Indeed, there was a heavy midlife-crisis vibe about the place. And yet there were myriad moments where I thought to myself, Why didn’t I know this before?
“Driver’s ed taught you how to get a license,” Bob Bondurant told me in his office, his ever-present dog Rusty, a Queensland heeler, panting nearby. “It didn’t teach you skid control or evasive emergency maneuvers.” In 1967, Bondurant’s promising racing career was cut short when the steering arm on his McLaren Mk II broke at 150 miles per hour, propelling him into an embankment that sent his car “as high as a telephone pole.” Since then, he has been teaching people like Clint Eastwood and James Garner how to handle a car. This is not how most of us learn, of course. “The driver-ed guy might be your English teacher,” Bondurant said. He or she knows as much about driving, he implied, as the average person. And mostly, this is fine. Despite the prediction from Karl Benz, the founder of the Mercedes-Benz company, that the global car market would be limited because only a relative few would possess the skills needed to drive, most of us, as Bondurant said, “just plunk our butt down in the seat and drive down the road.”
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