by Tim Pestell
Although intersecting features indicate a multi-period settlement it is difficult to distinguish different phases clearly. In discussing the settlement’s layout, there is therefore the reservation that the structures did not all exist at the same time. It has been mentioned that a large number of wells have been excavated at Groß Strömkendorf. Thirty of these contained the waterlogged remains of wooden structures which could be dated by dendrochronology. Ninety-five samples from the thirty wells have produced dates, which provide a framework for the site’s chronology, at present covering the period 722 to 811.
FIGURE 16.4. Plan of the excavated area in the southern and central parts of the site showing the dense occupation and selected dendrochronological dates.
FIGURE 16.5. Plan of the settlement structures within the area of the cemetery and dendrochronological dates.
Considering the samples that could be dated to the exact felling year of the tree, the mapping shows a differentiation between the northern group of structures in the sphere of the cemetery site, which dates to 735/6 and the coastal settlement, that has produced mainly late eighth and early ninth centuries dates (compare Figs. 16.4 and 16.5). Although structures of the northern settlement have only been uncovered on a small scale, and the number of absolute dates is small, the evidence nevertheless indicates an early phase of occupation here in the first half of the eighth century. While the extent of the early site is difficult to assess, it seems clear that the settlement layout differed widely from the carefully aligned houses of the coastal site. In summary, the analysis of a range of dates suggests that at least two phases of activity are detectable during the eighth century. Accordingly, the recorded differences regarding the layout of the site indicate a marked change of the settlement’s internal organisation during this period.
Buildings
Excavation has allowed the examination of about one hundred pithouses (Grubenhäuser). Apart from a few questionable traces of post-built structures, pit-houses are the predominant house-type in Groß Strömkendorf, a prominent features of which is the limited floor space. The average pit-house was seven and a half square metres in size with the general range of floor areas being between three and a half to fourteen square metres; there is a concentration on dimensions of five to eight square metres. At least 70 percent of all houses contained the remains of a hearth, which had always been positioned in one corner of the pit. In most cases nothing but a concentration of stones and charcoal indicates the former position of the fireplace, whereas some of the buildings possessed remains of elaborate dome-shaped ovens or, in one case, a square-shaped oven built of stone slabs.
There was a great diversity in the types of pit-house structure. Most were of simple design, with a single ridge-post at each end of the building. In some cases there was evidence of raked ridge-posts, while in others there was an additional post in the middle of one of the long sides. There is also evidence for more sophisticated buildings, with six or eight posts, and there are houses without any post-holes at all which could represent the remains of log cabins. Additionally, there was a substantial number of individual constructions which could not be incorporated in the common system of structural types. In summary, the buildings of the trading place at Groß Strömkendorf show a marked variation of constructional design, yet with a noticeably narrow range of sizes and no indication of a pronounced hierarchy or functional differentiation.
The large number of finds from Groß Strömkendorf indicate that craft and manufacturing activities were important during the lifetime of the settlement. However, the primary function of pit-houses is difficult to assess, because after the demolition of a building the pits were used for rubbish disposal or to discard material excavated from a new house. It is therefore certain that most of the finds from any one Grubenhaus do not relate to its original function. Despite the fact that it is impossible to relate certain crafts to individual houses, it seems reasonable to assume that the huts were used as workshops. As for their use as dwellings, it is far more difficult to imagine people actually living in houses smaller than ten square metres. Even if a single person could use a small pit-house as a dwelling, it would have been impossible for extended social groups of people. From the perspective of housing, it is difficult at present to explain how marketing and production worked in Groß Strömkendorf. The heating facilities of most Grubenhäuser, and the evidence of the cemetery, suggest some scale of permanence and probably reflect an established community. It therefore seems probable that other houses existed outside the area of excavation.
Groß Strömkendorf is situated in the historic settlement area of the Slavonic tribe of the Obodrites. As few settlements have been excavated on a large scale and perhaps because of the difficulties in detecting certain types of houses, our knowledge about the building traditions of these peoples is still limited. It seems, however, that pit-houses were not the typical dwelling-type of the Slavs in northern Germany (Donat 1970 and 1998, 189). From what we know at present, the northern boundary of the distribution of Slavonic Grubenhäuser concentrates on an area in central Germany between the Rivers Saale and Elbe (Donat 1980, map 4). In the most north-westerly part of the Slavonic settlement area, that is, in the area surrounding Groß Strömkendorf, no pit-houses of the eighth century have been uncovered so far. One of the central questions regarding the buildings of Groß Strömkendorf is therefore what kind of building tradition the pit-houses reflect and where its origins lie.
From the Roman Iron Age onwards, pit-houses occurred frequently in northern Europe as minor outbuildings of farms associated with longhouses. As one of the typical features of these constructions is the lack of a hearth, they are never interpreted as dwellings but instead as workshops or storage buildings. In contrast to this pattern, settlements connected with trade and exchange, comprising predominantly or exclusively pit-houses, do appear in northern Germany, Denmark and Sweden from the Migration period onwards (Weinmann 1994, 165). Especially in the surroundings of Hedeby and in the settlement area of the Saxons north and south of the River Elbe, pit-houses furnished with a hearth occur from the eighth century. The origins of the new tradition to build sunken huts regularly with a hearth in one corner of the pit have been widely regarded as being influenced by Slavonic traditions known from central Germany (Donat 1980, 68; Meier 1994, 74). At Groß Strömkendorf, it is difficult at present to establish certain links to any known building tradition. It is, however, clear that there are strong connections to similar settlements and house types in modern Lower Saxony, in the surroundings of Hedeby in modern Denmark, and in southern Sweden.
In summary, evidence from the cemetery and settlement site at Groß Strömkendorf indicates the presence of people from various regions of Early Medieval northern Europe. Whereas an earlier phase of occupation showed an extensive layout characterised by houses, pits and wells grouped together in an irregular manner, the later settlement phase displayed distinct signs of planning, providing evidence for the ‘urban’ character of the site. The eighth-and early ninth-century date, the settlement layout, the evidence of the buildings, the rich material connected with trade and manufacturing activities, the location on the shores of the Wismar Bay, and the size of the settled area, all indicate that the site at Groß Strömkendorf is most probably to be identified with the emporium of Reric mentioned in the Royal Frankish Annals. It follows that examination of the hinterland of Groß Strömkendorf/ Reric can be approached through written evidence in addition to the archaeological data.
Archaeological and historical context
Archaeological research on the hinterland of Groß Strömkendorf has so far been carried out on a limited scale (for a summary see Schmitz 1999), because archaeologists have usually focused upon investigating the many remains of Slavonic fortresses. At present, a distribution map of Early Slavonic finds and archaeological sites is based exclusively on surface finds, giving a rough impression of the settlement pattern in the environs of the trading centre (Fig. 16.6). Although there is no info
rmation about the character of those settlements or their exact dates, the concentration of occupation within a radius of approximately twelve kilometres around Groß Strömkendorf is noticeable and possibly reflects the close interdependence of centre and hinterland. Apart from the settlement sites three fortresses have been recorded in the immediate vicinity of Groß Strömkendorf. They are situated at Ilow (two fortresses) and at Mecklenburg. Regarding their proximity to the trading settlement, all three fortresses could be considered to be associated political centres but direct links are difficult to establish as their dates are all uncertain. Thus, Ilow site II has produced radiocarbon dates covering a period from 660 to 780 (Schmitz 1999, 85). As the trial excavations at site I did not reach the natural subsoil, the earliest absolute date of 840 (ibid., 65), gained from a wood sample, must be treated with caution because there is no clear evidence for the beginning of the fortification.
FIGURE 16.6. Map showing the distribution of finds and archaeological sites in the hinterland of Groß Strömkendorf (after Schmitz 1999, Abb. 27).
The origins of the seat of the Obodrite overlord at Mecklenburg has also been the subject of discussions. While the earliest reliable tree-ring dates of the tenth century come from the third phase of construction, radiocarbon dates support the suggestion that the earliest fortress had been built around the middle of the eighth century (Gabriel 1986; Herrmann and Heußner 1991, 269; Brather 1996a, 148; Schmitz 1999, 90).
A closer inspection of the historical evidence offers the opportunity to shed light on the wider political context in which Groß Strömkendorf/ Reric must be seen. The account of the Royal Frankish Annals shows that at the beginning of the ninth century Reric was the focus of military confrontations between the Danish king Godfred and Draško, the overlord of the Slavonic Obodrites. Apart from the description of the events at the trading site itself, the annals contain references to Slavonic overlords and to the devastation of fortresses, indicating the existence of well-established political units in the vicinity of Reric.
More generally, this was a period of political and military rivalry between the Frankish kingdom (allied to the Obodrites) and the Danes. It is obvious from the written sources that Danish and Slavonic interests collided at the emporium of Reric. Although the Royal Frankish Annals provide evidence for the raid on the Slavonic coast, there is no doubt that the Danes did not act merely as pirates, but had the ability to raise taxes at the market place called Reric. Even so, the origins of Danish claims on the settlement are obscure and a dependent relationship between the Danish ruler and the merchants of Reric appears to have existed. As a result of the opposing ambitions of Slavs and Danes, Godfred destroyed the emporium and moved the merchants to another trading site which was probably under closer control — Hedeby.
While we are able to draw a coherent picture of the situation at the beginning of the ninth century, it is uncertain whether the described conditions can be transferred back to the eighth century. A number of absolute dates from Groß Strömkendorf prove that the settlement already existed by about 730. Given the early beginnings of the site, questions concerning the Slavonic colonisation of modern north-east Germany are brought into focus. Until recently, Germanic peoples were thought to have left the region during the fifth and sixth centuries, with Slavonic settlement starting not later than the sixth century. These datings have had to be adjusted according to new results from dendrochronology (Herrmann and Heußner 1991; Biermann et al. 1999). At present, archaeologists assume that the Slavonic colonisation of the area commenced around 700 (Brather 1996a, 14—17; Leube 1996, 269, Biermann et al. 1999, 236—42). It is therefore possible that the first traces of occupation at Groß Strömkendorf can be considered to be among the earliest evidence of Slavonic settlement in the region. At present, the character of the earliest settlement is uncertain, as is whether it was based on an agrarian economy or whether it represents a direct predecessor of the trading site. The situation in the area surrounding Groß Strömkendorf is equally obscure. As the discussion of the dates of the fortresses in the vicinity of the settlement has shown, it would appear unlikely that around 730 there was a well-defined political unit comparable to that of the early ninth century (compare Brather 1996b, 188—93).
During the course of the eighth century there is evidence at Groß Strömkendorf for a marked change of settlement layout, which shows strong influences of an authority in control. A considerable number of absolute dates shows increased builing activity during the 760s and especially during the decades from 770 to 790, which could be connected with a general extension of the settlement. Although there is no clear evidence to date the changed internal organisation of the site, it is tempting to relate the increased building activities of the late eighth century with the development of a settlement of early urban character.
The events at Groß Strömkendorf/Reric coincide with the beginning of the autocracy of Charlemagne (771) and, in subsequent years, with the submission of the Saxons (772—804) and the first recorded contacts between the Franks and Obodrites (in 789). There is certainly archaeological evidence for Frankish influences on the material culture of the Slavs, as well as on the design of fortifications (Brather 1996b, 189—92). Because there is some evidence for the origins of the fortresses in the vicinity of Groß Strömkendorf around the middle of the eighth century, a connection with the developments at the trading site can be deduced. It seems likely that at Groß Strömkendorf the marked changes of internal organisation around the second half of the eighth century are linked to the formation of political structures in the immediate surroundings of the site, and to the frequent contacts of the Obodrites with the Frankish kingdom. Consequently, the Danish claims to Reric might date back to a period prior to the consolidation of Slavonic power in the region.
Acknowledgements
The author is deeply grateful to Holger Dieterich, Kiel who was the principal illustrator and who prepared all the figures for publication. My thanks go to Alexander Pöche, Lübstorf for constructive criticism on an earlier draft. Thanks are also due to the Archäologisches Landesmuseum Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Schloß Wiligrad, Lübs-torf and Regina Schmitz, Lübstorf for permission to reproduce illustrations.
CHAPTER 17
Tjitsma, Wijnaldum: An Early Medieval Production Site in the Netherlands
Caroline Tulp
Wijnaldum
Tjitsma is a terp or dwelling mound near the village of Wijnaldum in the coastal area of Friesland province, in the north-west of the Netherlands (Fig. 17.1). It is one of several terpen still visible in the landscape which, in the provinces of Friesland and Groningen, are frequently searched by metal-detectorists and which yield a lot of metal finds.
Between 1991 and 1993 part of Tjitsma terp was excavated, for four principal reasons. First, an increasing number of metal-detector finds indicated that the top of the terp was eroding. Secondly, excavation allowed the erosion caused by agricultural activities like ploughing and deep-ploughing to be studied and raised the prospect of yielding more information on how to improve the protection of this type of monument. Third, in the 1950s a large gold and garnet brooch had been found (front cover), which suggested that Tjitsma represented the remains of an Early Medieval trading place of some importance. Finally, excavation offered the opportunity to establish an improved regional pottery chronology for the Early Middle Ages and to learn more about the terp region in general.
The excavation was undertaken by students and staff from the Universities of Groningen and Amsterdam. The number of excavated levels varied in each trench, a mechanical digger removing soil in layers of five centimetres or less, so that all the metal finds could be located by use of a metal-detector and plotted three-dimensionally. Additionally, the soil from features was wet-sieved through a 4 X 4mm mesh. As a result, the excavation yielded many small finds like beads, and environmental evidence such as charcoal and small fish and bird bones. Several different occupation periods were defined by pottery finds and in post-excavation eight
different phases have been identified (all AD): I, 175-250; II, 250–300/325; III, 425–550; IV, 550–650; V, 650–750; VI, 750–800; VII, 800–850; VIII, 850–950 (Gerrets and de Koning 1999). There was a small gap in occupation between 325–425.
FIGURE 17.1. The location of Tjitsma terp, Wijnaldum (after Besteman, Bos and Heidinga 1993).
Craftworking evidence was found, for instance half-manufactured combs and unworked blanks are evidence for bone-and antlerworking, although the small scale of production suggests the items were for local consumption instead of wider trade. Textile production is indicated by the finds of pottery loomweights, bone needles and spindle-whorls of different materials inside some small buildings. Amber had been worked on site in the fifth and sixth centuries while melted glass paste and many beads indicate local glass production (especially of beads) in the sixth century (Sablerolles 1999). None of these crafts provide evidence for mass production. There is, however, much evidence for the working of various metals, which seems to have taken place on a somewhat larger scale.
The working of precious metals
No evidence was found for the refining of gold and silver at Tjitsma, but there were traces of both the melting and working of precious metals in different periods of occupation. Evidence for the working of gold and silver was relatively common, the finds dating from the beginning of the fifth century through to the ninth century and including droplets of gold and silver, ingots, bars and rods, a die, a small hammer and a crucible fragment with tiny gold droplets. Other evidence is more indirect, coming from fragments of silver and gold objects, gold wire and touchstones.