by Ben Shapiro
On February 12, 2012, Nordstrom wrote to James Bacigalupo, regional director of the Diplomatic Security Service, expressing frustration that he couldn’t get more security personnel in Benghazi: “I’ve been placed in a very difficult spot when the Ambassador tells me that I need to support Benghazi but can’t direct [Mobile Security Detachment, specially trained to operate in high threat environments] there and been advised that [Diplomatic Security Service, DSS] isn’t going to provide more than 3 DS agents over the long term.”59
Despite Nordstrom’s worries, and the worries of then-ambassador Gene Cretz, Hillary Clinton personally signed a cable in April 2012 approving a drawdown of security assets in Benghazi. Clinton actually asked for a “joint reassessment of the number of DS agents requested from Benghazi”—in other words, Clinton wanted the numbers to drop even more. In May 2012, when Stevens replaced Cretz, he asked for more security, too. The State Department replied that such a request could not be fulfilled.
On June 25, 2012, Ambassador Stevens wrote a cable explaining that rising attacks in Benghazi “were the work of extremists who are opposed to western influence in Libya. A number of local contacts agreed, noting that Islamic extremism appears to be on the rise in eastern Libya and that the Al-Qaeda flag has been spotted several times flying over government buildings and training facilities in Derna.” The Libyan hesitance to okay a security presence in Benghazi, Stevens wrote in another cable, “has created the security vacuum that a diverse group of independent actors are exploiting for their own purposes.”60
In July 2012, Nordstrom told the diplomatic security (DS) officials in Washington that he wanted to submit a request for an extension of the security teams. Charlene Lamb, deputy assistant secretary for diplomatic security, however, was “reluctant to ask for an SST [Security Support Team] extension, apparently out of concern that it would be embarrassing to the [State Department] to continue to have to rely on [Defense Department] assets to protect our Mission.” Lamb shot back, “NO, I do not [I repeat] not want them to ask for the MSD [Mobile Security Deployment] team to stay!”
On July 9, 2012, Stevens asked for more security. Undersecretary Patrick Kennedy rejected the request.61
On August 16, 2012, Stevens signed a cable and sent it to the State Department. It explained that the Benghazi mission could not stop a “coordinated attack.”62
On September 11, 2012, the day of the attacks, Stevens wrote a cable describing how commander Fawzi Younis, acting principal officer of the Supreme Security Council in Benghazi, had “expressed growing frustration with police and security forces (who were too weak to keep the country secure). . . .”63 Overall, Stevens asked the State Department for more security four times.64 Apparently, Stevens asked the Libyans for more security, too. He didn’t get it.65 His diary, found four days after the attack, reportedly demonstrated his worries about security in Benghazi.66 After the attack, journalists from Foreign Policy found documents lying on the floor of the consulate. One was a letter from September 11, 2012, informing Mohamed Obeidi, head of the Libyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Benghazi, of the deteriorating security situation (apparently Stevens wanted the Libyans to provide more security, as the State Department hadn’t): “Finally, early this morning at 0643, September 11, 2012, one of our diligent guards made a troubling report. Near our main gate, a member of the police force was seen in the upper level of a building across from our compound. It is reported that this person was photographing the inside of the U.S. special mission and furthermore that this person was part of the police unit sent to protect the mission. The police car stationed where this event occurred was number 322.”67
Nordstrom testified before the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee about his frustration with lack of security and reliance on local security. Relating a conversation with another State Department staffer, Nordstrom said, “I said, ‘Jim, you know what [is] most frustrating about this assignment? It’s not the hardship, it’s not the gunfire, it’s not the threats. It’s dealing and fighting against the people, programs, and personnel who are supposed to be supporting me. . . . For me, the Taliban is on the inside of the building.”68
Representatives Darrell Issa (R-CA) and Jason Chaffetz (R-UT), both leaders on the House Oversight Committee, said that they had been told that the Obama administration did not just reject requests for extra security, but “systematically decreased existing security to dangerous and ineffective levels . . . to effectuate a policy of ‘normalization’ in Libya after the conclusion of its civil war.”69 This was reckless disregard for human life, an element of involuntary manslaughter. And the manslaughter followed.
THE ATTACK
September 11, 2012, marked the eleventh anniversary of the September 11 attacks that toppled the World Trade Center towers, tore a gaping hole in the Pentagon, and ended some three thousand American lives. American embassies throughout the New Obama Middle East came under attack.
While the United States mourned, al-Qaeda acted. On September 10, al-Qaeda released a video of leader Ayman al-Zawahiri calling for revenge against America for the drone strike on jihadist Abu Yahya al-Libi. The next day, in Egypt, Mohammed al-Zawahiri, younger brother of Zawahiri, helped organize protests at the American embassy in Cairo; the Egyptians, thoroughly infiltrated by al-Qaeda, stormed the walls. “Obama! Obama! We are all Osama!” they chanted. In Yemen, on September 13, al-Qaeda fighters stormed the U.S. embassy after Sheikh Abdul Majeed al-Zindani called for action. In Tunisia, on September 14, al-Qaeda terrorist Seifallah ben Hassine led an assault on the U.S. embassy, storming it and raising the black al-Qaeda flag on top.70
The Wall Street Journal, however, reported that the protests weren’t based on pure terrorism, but on Muslim rage over a ridiculous YouTube video titled “Innocence of Muslims,” which had already been up on the Internet for months, and which had received virtually no attention. The video portrayed the Prophet Muhammad as a homosexual engaging in slavery and extramarital sex. Pastor Terry Jones in Florida, who famously burned the Koran on several occasions, said that he would screen the film on September 11.
This prompted apologetics from the State Department for the First Amendment. “The United States deplores any intentional effort to denigrate the religious beliefs of others,” Hillary Clinton said, adding, “But let me be clear: There is never any justification for violent acts of this kind.”71 Meanwhile, in Egypt, the U.S. embassy began signaling its own sorrow over “Innocence of Muslims.” “The Embassy of the United States in Cairo condemns the continuing efforts by misguided individuals to hurt the religious feelings of Muslims—as we condemn efforts to offend believers of all religions,” the embassy said in a statement on September 11. “Respect for religious beliefs is a cornerstone of American democracy. We firmly reject the actions by those who abuse the universal right of free speech to hurt the religious beliefs of others.”72
The odd focus on a bad trailer for a never-produced Muhammad movie would become the sole basis for an enormous cover-up by the Obama administration.
Meanwhile, Ambassador Chris Stevens was visiting Benghazi. Stevens, who became ambassador to Libya in May 2012, had come to Benghazi on September 10, 2012, for vague reasons—supposedly to connect with contacts. According to the House Oversight Committee, Stevens could also have been visiting to assess the security situation. On September 11, twenty-eight U.S. personnel were present at the mission and at the annex.
That night, Stevens met with the Turkish consul general Ali Sait Akin. He escorted him from the building at approximately 8:35 p.m. It is worth noting again that just three days later, the single biggest shipment of weapons from Libya designated for Syria arrived in Turkey.73
Less than an hour later, armed terrorists breached the front gate of the mission, setting the guard house and diplomatic building on fire. These were members of Ansar al-Sharia and al-Qaeda—the presence of whom the United States government was well aware. A State Department officer at the mission notified the CIA annex nearby, the Tr
ipoli embassy, and the State Department headquarters of the assault.
During the attack, Stevens, Information Officer Sean Smith, and a diplomatic security agent were in the main mission building; within twenty minutes, Stevens, Smith, and the DS agent had been incapacitated by smoke inhalation. They tried to escape by crawling to a window. The DS agent crawled out the window, but realized he’d lost Stevens and Smith. Under heavy fire, he went into the building over and over again searching for them. He also used his radio to request help, which came in the form of security officers from elsewhere in the complex.74
According to Fox News, former Navy SEAL Tyrone Woods was at the CIA annex when he heard the violence break out at the mission, which was about a mile away. He and others told their superiors and asked for permission to help. They were reportedly told to “stand down” twice. Eventually, Woods and others ignored the orders and headed over to the mission.75
By 10:05 p.m., the CIA team including Woods had left for the mission. The team faced down gunfire and RPG attack while trying to find Stevens and Smith. They found Smith’s body, but couldn’t find Stevens. At 11:15 p.m., they began an evacuation of the remaining staff.
The higher-ups at the American government had to know what was going on at this point. At 10:32 p.m., an officer at the Pentagon’s National Military Command Center relayed a message to Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey. At 11:00 p.m., Panetta and Dempsey met with President Obama.76
By 11:10, Defense Department drones were monitoring the situation from overhead.77 According to CBS News, Defense Department officials considered sending in troops to help save the Benghazi survivors, but ultimately decided not to; thanks to the drones, U.S. military officials could watch the attack in real-time.78
At midnight, the CIA team reportedly returned to the CIA annex and called for more military support because they were taking fire there, too. Fox News reported, “The request was denied. There were no communications problems at the annex, according to those present at the compound. The team was in constant radio contact with their headquarters. In fact, at least one member of the team was on the roof of the annex manning a heavy machine gun when mortars were fired at the CIA compound. The security officer had a laser on the target that was firing and repeatedly requested back-up support from a Spectre gunship, which is commonly used by U.S. Special Operations forces to provide support to Special Operations teams on the ground involved in intense firefights.” The CIA denied Fox News’s report.79
Meanwhile, the State Department was considering whether to send the so-called Foreign Emergency Support Team to Benghazi. FEST, known as “the U.S. Government’s only interagency, on-call, short-notice team poised to respond to terrorist incidents worldwide,” was ready to go. According to officials, Hillary’s deputy, Patrick Kennedy—the same man who had rejected additional security requests in August—said no. FEST was already “packing” to leave when they were “told they were not deploying by Patrick Kennedy’s front office. . . . In hindsight . . . I probably would’ve pushed the button,” the official told CBS News. The National Security Council also failed to convene the Counterterrorism Security Group (CSG) to discuss the situation—the CSG likely would have recommended sending FEST. But NSC spokesman Tommy Vietor said that the CSG was unnecessary because “[f]rom the moment [President Obama] was briefed on the Benghazi attack, the response effort was handled by the most senior national security officials in government. Members of the CSG were of course involved in these meetings and discussions to support their bosses.”80
At 12:30 a.m., seven U.S. personnel—six security personnel and a translator—departed Tripoli, arriving in Benghazi at 1:30 a.m. By this point, Panetta was back at the Pentagon meeting with Dempsey and General Carter F. Ham, commander of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), the branch responsible for military activities in Libya. Panetta then ordered deployment of two Marine Corps Fleet Antiterrorism Security Team (FAST) platoons from Rota, Spain, to Benghazi; a U.S. European Command (EUCOM) Combatant Commander’s in-Extremis Force (CIF) to a staging base in southern Europe, within flight distance of Libya; and a special ops force to a staging base in southern Europe. Only at 2:53 a.m. did the special ops force receive authorization to deploy.
At 5:15 a.m., the seven-man team arrived at the annex, at which point terrorists opened fire with mortars, killing Navy SEALs Woods and Glenn Doherty, and wounding two other Americans. At 6:05 a.m., thirty-one survivors were evacuated.81
During this entire time, President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton were virtually absent. Neither has spelled out their activities that night. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta admitted that the president met with him and Dempsey once for half an hour that night, then never checked in the rest of the night.82 Deputy Chief of Mission in Libya Greg Hicks—the man who became the top State Department official in Libya the moment Stevens was killed—testified that he spoke with Clinton directly at 2 a.m. Benghazi time. He told her about the terrorist attack, and was concerned that Stevens might be in terrorist custody, necessitating a rescue operation. Hicks didn’t yet know that Stevens was dead. At no point was a YouTube video mentioned. That was the last time Hicks spoke with Clinton. She never called him back.83 There is likely a tape of the 2 a.m. call between Hicks and Clinton. It has not been released.
The immediate aftermath of the attack in Benghazi turned to bureaucratic infighting. Defense secretary Panetta blamed the State Department and said that President Obama had ordered that “all available DOD assets” be made available for protection of personnel on the ground. So why weren’t the assets present? According to Panetta, the State Department never asked for them.84 But Hicks testified that he requested that four Green Berets fly to Benghazi for additional protection. “People in Benghazi had been fighting all night,” Hicks explained. “They were tired, exhausted. We wanted to make sure the airport was secure for their withdrawal.” The team leader, Lieutenant Colonel Steve Gibson, called Special Operations Command Africa to tell them that his unit intended to head to Benghazi. Instead, he was told to remain in Tripoli. “Colonel Gibson and his three personnel were—were getting in the cars, he stopped. And he called them off and said—told me that he had not been authorized to go. The vehicles had to go because the flight needed to go to Tripoli—I mean, to Benghazi. Lieutenant Colonel Gibson was furious. I had told him to go bring our people home. That’s what he wanted to do,” Hicks testified.85 The Defense Department claimed “there was nothing this team could have done to assist during the second attack in Benghazi.”86
The fact that no military was deployed to the hot zone during the seven-hour attack was unthinkable. Military assets were just hours away in Italy. Nordstrom testified, “The ferocity and intensity of the attack was nothing that we had seen in Libya, or that I had seen in my time in the Diplomatic Security Service.”87 Yet aside from that one team from Tripoli, which included Glenn Doherty, there was no show of force from outside Benghazi. A special ops whistle-blower told Fox News that the military had a team ready to scramble from Croatia. That would have taken some four to six hours. The attack lasted for seven hours.88
THE YOUTUBE COVER-UP
So far, the Obama administration had committed violations of the Espionage Act and the Arms Control Export Act, and had participated in involuntary manslaughter. Now it was time for the cover-up, which would require witness intimidation, among other crimes.
In the aftermath of the death of four Americans, including the first ambassador killed since 1979, the Obama team knew that they had to cover up what had happened. After all, their leader was in the midst of a dogfight with Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney—the two were neck and neck in the polls—and one of Obama’s chief talking points was his supposed devastation of al-Qaeda around the globe. Between September 11, 2012, and November 1, 2012, Obama said some thirty-two times that al-Qaeda was “decimated” or “on the path to defeat.” The day after the Benghazi attacks, on Septemb
er 12, 2012, Obama appeared in Las Vegas at a campaign event, where he triumphantly announced, “A day after 9/11, we are reminded that a new tower rises about the New York skyline, but al Qaeda is on the path to defeat and bin Laden is dead.”89
The need to downplay the events in Benghazi led the administration to a fateful decision: they would pretend that what had happened in Benghazi was not the result of American support for al-Qaeda affiliates throughout the Middle East; they would pretend that what had happened was unrelated to the administration’s widespread gunrunning, and use of the Benghazi facility as a go-between for such operations; they would pretend that the Benghazi attacks were not the result of a cowardly foreign policy putting America in league with Islamists. Instead, the administration would play Benghazi as a sort of inexplicable black swan attack—the result of a crazy YouTube video. Then the administration would claim that the buck stopped with the White House, even while they shunted all blame aside.
Speaking in the Rose Garden on the day after the murders, Obama carefully parsed his language. “Since our founding, the United States has been a nation that respects all faiths. We reject all efforts to denigrate the religious beliefs of others. But there is absolutely no justification to this type of senseless violence. None,” he solemnly intoned. The attack, he was implying, sprang from offensive language used in a YouTube video nobody had seen. Obama never used the word terrorists to describe those who had attacked the mission and annex. His only reference to terrorism came in a vague one-liner: “No acts of terror will ever shake the resolve of this great nation, alter that character, or eclipse the light of the values that we stand for.”90 He made clear later that night in an interview with CBS News’ Steve Kroft that he was unwilling to call Benghazi specifically an act of terrorism—although CBS News didn’t air that footage until nearly two months had passed.91