45. Cf. George Marsden, “The Religious Right: A Historical Overview,” in No Longer Exiles: The Religious New Right and American Politics, ed. Michael Cromartie (Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1993), 1; Martin Marty, Pilgrims in Their Own Land: 500 Years of Religion in America (New York: Penguin, 1985), 410.
46. Daniel Bell, ed., The Radical Right (New York: Transaction Publishers, 1963), 79.
47. Cf. Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790–1970 (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 209–247.
48. Kazin, The Populist Persuasion, 109–133; Bennett, Party of Fear, 253–266.
49. This argument for the sources of McCarthyism is set out in the essays by Richard Hofstadter, Peter Viereck, and others in Daniel Bell, ed., The Radical Right; see also Bennett, Party of Fear, 310–315.
50. See Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, 55.
51. Gallup, “Evolution, Creationism, Intelligent Design,” http://www/gallup.com/poll/21814/evolution-creationism-intelligent design.aspx.
52. For the mid-nineteenth century, see Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).
53. Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish of New York City (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979), 270.
54. See David Schoenbaum, Hitler’s Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933–1939 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1980).
55. Ann Coulter, Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War Against Terrorism (New York: Crown Forum, 2003), 69.
56. Cf. Dorothy Doren, Nationalism and Catholic Americanism (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1967); Glazer and Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot, 230–231, 247–250.
57. Glazer and Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot, 262, 270–274.
58. Lerner, American Civilization, 904.
59. Quoted in Joseph McBride, Searching for John Ford (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2001), 6; see also Thomas Flanagan’s essays on John Ford in “Western Star,” New York Review of Books 48, no.19 (November 29, 2001); and no. 20 (December 20, 2001).
60. Cf. Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation; The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth Century America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 334–343; McBride, Searching for John Ford, 446–458.
61. Doren, Nationalism and Catholic Americanism, 134–162.
62. Including at least one Irish American character who is first a soldier and then a gangster, the protagonist of The Roaring Twenties.
63. Grady McWhiney, Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in the Old South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1988), xxi–xliii. I should perhaps place on record that I am of German Irish ethnicity myself, with a mother whose maiden name was Monahan, and I have nothing against pugnacity in a good cause.
64. McBride, Searching for John Ford, 698.
65. Glazer and Moynihan, Beyond the Melting Pot, 271.
66. Sean Hannity, Let Freedom Ring: Winning the War of Liberty Over Liberalism (New York: Regan Books, 2002), 127.
67. Cf. Eric Alterman, What Liberal Media? The Truth About Bias and the News (New York: Basic Books, 2003), 35; Michael Kinsley, “O’Reilly Among the Snobs,” Washington Post, March 2, 2001; Noam Scheiber, “Class Act: Chris Mathews and Bill O’Reilly v. The Working Man,” New Republic (June 25, 2001); for John Ford’s assumption of an Irish macho style at odds with aspects of his real nature, see McBride, Searching for John Ford, 298; for Ford on the Vietnam War, see McBride, Searching for John Ford, 691–692.
68. Will Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew: An Essay in American Religious Sociology (New York: Doubleday, 1956), 146–147.
69. Cromartie, No Longer Exiles; Oscar Handlin, “American Jewry” in The Jewish World: Revelation, Prophecy and History, ed. Elie Kedourie (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 281–282; Lerner, America as a Civilization, 703–717.
70. Quoted in Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism, 125.
71. Cf. Daniel J. Kevles, “Darwin in Dayton,” New York Review of Books 45, no. 18 (November 19, 1998); Robert C. Liebman and Robert Wuthnow, The New Christian Right (Hawthorne, NY: Aldine Transaction, 1983), 1.
72. Gabriel A. Almond, R. Scott Appleby, and Emmanuel Sivan, Strong Religion: The Rise of Fundamentalism Around the World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 26–27.
73. Samuel Eliot Morison, Henry Steele Commager, and William E. Leuchtenburg, The Growth of the American Republic, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 435–436; see also Marty, Pilgrims in Their Own Land, 380–381.
74. Kazin, The Populist Persuasion, 106.
75. Marty, Pilgrims in Their Own Land, 410–415; Joel Carpenter, Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 211–229.
76. The Prairie Home Companion, National Public Radio, October 26, 2003.
77. Cf. Kenneth Wald, Dennis E. Owen, and Samuel S. Hill, Jr., “Churches as Political Communities,” American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (1988), 531–548.
78. Oran P. Smith, The Rise of Baptist Republicanism (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 46–67, 98–112, 191–212.
79. See Bill Bishop, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart (New York: Mariner Books, 2009); and Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
80. Cf. Peter Applebome, Dixie Rising: How the South Is Shaping American Values (New York: Times Books, 1996), 241ff.
81. Cf. Lerner, America as a Civilization, 172–182.
82. Cf. Robert Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart: Middle America Observed (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 196, 204–206, 251.
83. For this recovery, see Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew, 59–84.
84. Figures quoted in Sara Diamond, Not By Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian Right (New York: Guilford Press, 1998), 9–10.
85. Diamond, Not By Politics Alone, 9–10.
86. The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, “US Religious Landscape Survey 2011,” http://religions.pewforum.org/reports. For the 2000 figures, see American National Election Studies (ANES), Center for Political Studies, University of Michigan, quoted in Wald, Religion and Politics in the United States, 160–162.
87. For the impact of the Southern Baptists on the Republican Party since the 1960s, see Smith, The Rise of Baptist Republicanism (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
88. Pew telephone survey commissioned by Newsweek and cited in David Gates, “The Pop Populists,” Newsweek (May 24, 2004).
89. Cited in Lipset, American Exceptionalism, 268–269.
90. Peter W. Williams, America’s Religions From Their Origins to the 21st Century (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 379.
91. See Robert J. Blendon et al., “America’s Changing Political and Moral Values,” in What’s God Got to Do With the American Experiment, ed. E. J. Dionne and John J. Dilulio (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2000), 26.
92. Almond et al., Strong Religion, 227.
93. Cf. Colbert I. King, “Dean’s Faith-Based Folly,” Washington Post, January 10, 2004; and Steven Waldman, “When Piety Takes Centre Stage,” Washington Post, January 11, 2004.
94. For the importance of fundamentalist Christianity to Michele Bachmann and to Tea Party activists in Iowa, see Stephanie Jirchgaessner, “Meet Michele,” Financial Times magazine, July 2–3, 2011.
95. Ralph Reed, “The Future of the Religious Right,” in Christian Political Activism at the Crossroads, ed. William R. Stevenson, Jr. (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994), 81–86; see also Reed quoted in Wald, Religion and Politics in the United States, 200; for a survey of Christian Rightist activism and organization building, see Mark J. Rozell and Clyde Wilcox, “Second Coming: Strategies of the New Christian Right,” Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 2 (Summer 1996); and K
imberley H. Conger and John C. Green, “Spreading Out and Digging In: Christian Conservatives and State Republican Parties,” Campaigns and Elections, February 2002, http://www.theocracywatch.org/campaigns_Elections_study.htm.
96. Cf. Rosalind S. Helderman, “Outfitted with Placards and Prayer: Students from Virginia’s New Patrick Henry College Planting Political Seeds,” Washington Post, October 20, 2003.
97. Diamond, Not By Politics Alone, 63–66, 131–155; Alan I. Abramowitz, “It’s Abortion, Stupid: Policy Voting in the 1992 Presidential Election,” Journal of Politics 57, no. 1 (February 1995); Richard Hughes, Myths America Lives By (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 85–89.
98. Kevin Phillips, The Emerging Republican Majority (New York: Arlington House, 1969), 25, 33, 37.
99. Cf. Bellah, The Broken Covenant, 105–106.
100. Cf. Tracy L. Scott, “Gay Characters Gaining TV Popularity,” Washington Post TV Week, November 30–December 6, 2003.
101. Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 205–220.
102. For the correlation between relative poverty and lack of education and fundamentalist belief, see Corwin Smidt, “Born Again Politics” in Religion and Politics in the South: Mass and Elite Perspectives, ed. Tod A. Baker, Robert B. Steed, and Laurence W. Moreland (New York: Praeger, 1983), 27–56.
103. This spirit breathes, for example, from Newt Gingrich’s book To Renew America (New York: Harper Collins, 1995).
104. For the correlation between evangelical belief and opposition to nuclear reduction treaties, see Corwin E. Smidt, ed., Contemporary Evangelical Political Involvement: An Analysis and Assessment (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989), 85–96.
105. Robert C. Liebman, “Mobilizing the Moral Majority,” in Liebman and Wuthnow, The New Christian Right, 69; Almond et al., Strong Religion, 45ff; Bennett, Party of Fear, 375–377, 396–398.
106. Cf. an early call for the war against terrorism to be extended from Afghanistan to Iraq and elsewhere; Lt Colonel (retd.) Robert L. Maginnis, “Hunting Down Backers of Terrorism,” LA Daily Journal, October 22, 2001. The link in the minds of this conservative religious group between their pro-family, anti-abortion beliefs and a hard-line strategy in the fight against terrorism may not be intellectually apparent, but is entirely culturally coherent.
107. Robert D. Novak, “Bush’s Gay Marriage Test,” Washington Post, December 1, 2003.
108. Speech at the Islamic Center of Washington, DC, September 17, 2001, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w0phxuzQ7sE www.whitehouse.gov.
109. Mansfield, The Faith of George W. Bush, 139–142.
110. Hal Lindsey, The Everlasting Hatred: The Roots of Jihad (Murrietta, CA: Oracle House, 2002), especially 58–124.
111. Phillips, American Dynasty, 235; see also the attack on these figures by Fareed Zakaria, “Time to Take On America’s Haters,” Newsweek (October 21, 2002).
112. Larry McMurtry, In a Shallow Grave: Essays on Texas (New York: Touchstone Books, 2001), 155; and Warren Leslie, Dallas, Public and Private: Aspects of an American City (Dallas, TX: Southern Methodist University Press, 1998), 89, 95, 167.
113. For a sketch of millenarian beliefs, see Carpenter, Revive Us Again, 247–249; Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophesy Belief in Modern American Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 21–45; for the origins of American beliefs in seventeenth-century England, see Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (Cleveland, OH: Meridian Books, 1957), 46–49.
114. Helen Lee Turner and James L. Guth, “The Politics of Armageddon: Dispensationalism Among Southern Baptist Ministers,” in Religion and Political Behavior in the United States, ed. Ted G. Jelen (New York: Praeger, 1989), 187–190. For a useful chart of the relationship between the different schools of millennialism, see Timothy P. Weber, Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming: American Premillennialism, 1875–1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 10.
115. See Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 1–7.
116. Hal Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth (repr., Murrietta, CA: Oracle House, 2002); Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins, Left Behind: A Novel of the Earth’s Last Days (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1995).
117. Pat Robertson, The End of the Age (Dallas, TX: Word Publishing, 1996). This sketch is from Diamond, Not By Politics Alone, 198.
118. LaHaye and Jenkins, Left Behind, 25–76.
119. Cf. the passages by Jerry Falwell, Hal Lindsey, and others quoted in Grace Halsell, Prophecy and Politics: Militant Evangelists on the Road to Nuclear War (Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill & Co., 1986), 28–35.
120. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 303, note 29.
121. For the Muslim antichrist theme, see, e.g., Joel Richardson, The Islamic Antichrist: The Shocking Truth About the Real Nature of the Beast (Los Angeles: WND Books, 2010); and Glenn Beck’s broadcast on Fox News, February 17, 2011, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nNzel6tPrFk.
122. Cf. Bennett, Party of Fear, 409–475.
123. Cf. Gerald Flurry, “Continue to Watch Stoiber,” Philadelphia Trumpet, November 2002, http://www.thetrumpet.com; Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 111, 121, 148, 277.
124. “‘Wingnuts’ and President Obama,” Harris Interactive, March 24, 2010, http://www.harrisinteractive.com/NewsRoom/HarrisPolls/tabid/447/ctl/ReadCustom%20Default/mid/1508/ArticleId/223/Default.aspx.http://www.harrisinteractive.com/vault/Harris_Interactive_Poll_Tea_Party_Opposition.
125. For a book arguing that Obama is the antichrist, see Stephen Kirk, Satan as Barack Obama (Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse Publishing, 2011). For websites arguing that Obama is or may be the antichrist, see “Obama Antichrist,” http://www.obamaantichrist.org/category/obama-antichrist/; and the website of Landover Baptist Church, http://www.landoverbaptist.net (“Final Proof! Obama is the Antichrist”). For the Bible Nation Society’s dissemination of this idea, see Sarah Posner, “Group Behind King James Bible Congressional Resolution thinks Obama might be Antichrist,” Religion Dispatches, September 11, 2011, at http://www.religiondispatches.org/dispatches/sarahposner/4539/group_behind_king_james_bible_congressional_resolution_thinks_obama_might_be_antichrist/.
126. Mathew Avery Sutton, “Is Obama the Antichrist? Why Armageddon Stands Between the President and the Evangelical Vote,” http://www.religiondispatches.org/archive/politics/1671/.
127. Mike Davis, Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination of Disaster (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1998), 355.
128. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 10.
129. Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 257–260. For the racial element in American apocalyptic fears, see Davis, Ecology of Fear, 281–300, 325–344; for Lindsey’s new anti-Muslim hysteria, see Lindsey, The Everlasting Hatred.
130. Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 58–74, 309–310; cf. also Edward Shils, “Ideology and Civility: On the Politics of the Intellectual,” Sewanee Review 66, no. 3 (1958): 450–480.
131. Turner and Guth, The Politics of Armageddon,” 191–192, 208.
132. See R. Laurence Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
133. Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism, 30–31.
134. Quoted in Carpenter, Revive Us Again, 224.
135. Billy Graham, quoted in Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More, 320.
136. In an interview with Molly Ivins, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, September 14, 1993, http://www.christianforums.com/t2013475–3/.
137. See “Wrong and Divisive”, editorial in the Washington Post, October 21, 2003.
138. Cf. Kings 1:18, 20–40. I am indebted to Professor Charles King of Georgetown University for this reference.
139. See Michelle Cottle, “Bible Brigade,” New Republic (April 21, 2003) and (April 28, 2003); Alan Cooperman, “Bush�
��s Remark about God Assailed,” Washington Post, November 22, 2003.
140. Peter Beinart, “Bad Faith,” New Republic (March 25, 2002); for more such statements, see The Religious Right: The Assault on Tolerance and Pluralism in America (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1994), 5.
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