Fourth, from the start the security forces decided not to block people because the international media were all present at the airport and would have caused a major scandal, which the regime did not want, if security had attacked ordinary citizens who had come to greet a respectable public figure who is well-known internationally. Another reason is that the security agencies were confident that Egyptians would be frightened off by the threats and the detentions and that the number of people at the airport would be insignificant. The security agencies did not interfere with the people already inside the airport, but when the number had grown to several thousand, police officers began to harass people just arriving. They kept out all those carrying banners in support of ElBaradei and anyone they suspected was coming to greet him. When ElBaradei’s plane landed, the arrival hall was chock full of people chanting slogans and singing songs. But security prevented ElBaradei from coming out, and closed the gate on the pretext of maintaining his safety. The fact is that security could easily have protected ElBaradei but the decision to keep him back was basically political, because to have ElBaradei emerge surrounded by thousands of chanting supporters in front of the western media was more than the regime could tolerate. Security officials took ElBaradei out through another gate, far from his supporters, but he sent them a message through his brother, Dr. Ali ElBaradei, saying he would come to greet them. The thousands stood around waiting until ElBaradei’s car appeared and he saw for himself the people’s genuine enthusiasm for him.
Friday was a wonderful day in my life because I truly felt I belonged to a great nation. I will always remember the atmosphere of sincerity and enthusiasm I experienced. I will not forget the sight of the thousands of people chanting “Long live Egypt” or singing the national anthem. Some of them could not control their feelings and wept. I will not forget the people eagerly discussing what ElBaradei should do now that he is back in Egypt. They were speaking with the affection and intimacy of friends, though they were meeting for the first time. I will not forget the man who came with his wife and their pretty little girl with two plaits, who sat on his shoulders carrying a picture of ElBaradei. I will not forget the people who gave out mineral water and cold drinks to those present. I will not forget the dignified woman in the hijab, the good-hearted Egyptian mother who brought with her several packets of fine dates. She opened them one after the other and started to give them out to people standing around that she did not know. When someone said, “No, thank you,” she gave them an angry look, then smiled and said, “You must eat something. You’ve been on your feet all day and you must be hungry. Please have some.”
This is the Egypt that has woken up, an Egypt that from today onward no one can enslave, treat with contempt, or oppress.
Democracy is the solution.
February 21, 2010
The Story of Mamdouh Hamza
Dr. Mamdouh Hamza is one of the best civil engineers in Egypt. He has supervised dozens of major projects in Egypt and around the world, including in the United States, Britain, and Japan. He has received countless prestigious international prizes and his achievements are a real source of pride for Egyptians and all Arabs. Aside from his professional distinction, Dr. Hamza has a deep sense of public service and believes that knowledge brings with it a responsibility to mankind. He often says that since poor Egyptian taxpayers covered the costs of his studies at Cairo University he has a duty to use his knowledge to help them as much as he can.
When floods recently hit Aswan Province and made thousands of people homeless, Dr. Hamza felt he should do something for the victims, so he appeared on the Orbit television channel with presenter Amr al-Dib and volunteered to help build alternative housing for those displaced by the floods. Donations poured in to the program and soon reached 28 million Egyptian pounds (about $5 million), which was deposited in the account of a charitable organization for the housing project. Enthusiastic about the project, Dr. Hamza abandoned his private work in Cairo and traveled to Aswan to supervise the building work in person for free. As one would expect, the governor of Aswan, Major General Mustafa al-Sayed, welcomed Dr. Hamza warmly and thanked him for contributing his time and effort for the sake of the poor. The governor quickly had a piece of land set aside for the project but then instead offered another piece that was rocky and difficult to build on. But Dr. Hamza, who is a professor of soil mechanics and foundation engineering, accepted the challenge and managed to overcome the problem of the rugged terrain, building twenty-nine houses in the record time of three weeks. Because of his experience he was also able to keep the costs down to the unprecedented amount of 35,000 pounds (about $7,000) per house. Dr. Hamza hoped to extend his project to other parts of Egypt in order to provide shelter for millions of Egyptians who live in inhumane conditions in shantytowns, without basic services such as electricity and sewage systems.
Work was proceeding rapidly and everything seemed propitious for Dr. Hamza’s project to house the poor, but the winds suddenly changed and instead of offering appreciation and praise, the authorities in Aswan turned against Mamdouh Hamza. They refused to provide the project with water, refused to give Dr. Hamza building permits, and refused to pay the wages they had agreed to pay the builders. They even froze the account with the citizen donations and threatened the charity with severe measures if it disbursed a single pound to Dr. Hamza of the donations people had contributed because they trusted his sincerity and competence. They even went as far as to report the project to the police, who arrested some of the engineers and builders while they were working at the site. The police took control of the site, stopped the work, and refused to take statements from Dr. Hamza. In this way Dr. Hamza became enemy number one for the governor of Aswan, who called in some engineers, all of them former students of Dr. Hamza at the college of engineering, to write reports asserting that the houses in the project had construction flaws. Most of the engineers refused to go against their consciences and wrote reports praising the work of their mentor. The governor shelved those reports because they were not to his liking. In the end the governor of Aswan referred the matter to the public prosecutor, a strange procedure given that Dr. Hamza is not a murderer or a thief who requires questioning by prosecutors, but rather a great Egyptian who wanted to serve his country by volunteering his money, time, and effort. Unfortunately we cannot be optimistic about the investigations because the public prosecutor is not independent of the political authorities in Egypt. The question arises: Why did the regime turn against Mamdouh Hamza and oppose him so fiercely after initially welcoming his project? The reasons are as follows:
First, the houses Dr. Hamza built were very inexpensive at 35,000 pounds each, compared with the 80,000 pounds Aswan Province spends on houses for the poor. The difference between the two costs goes into the pockets of big contractors who enjoy close and influential relationships with government agencies. These contractors see the success of Dr. Hamza’s project as the basis for a new model for housing the poor. They realize that if it were to spread, it would be a serious threat to their interests because they would lose millions in profits. Hence they would do everything possible to put an end to Dr. Hamza’s project.
Second, the projects carried out by the provincial authorities will be inaugurated by Suzanne Mubarak, the wife of President Mubarak, and in the minds of officials it would never do for Mrs. Mubarak to open high-cost housing projects for the poor while Mamdouh Hamza is succeeding in building better houses at half the cost. Perhaps the nightmare that haunts senior officials is that Mrs. Mubarak might hear about Mamdouh Hamza’s successful project and ask them this logical question: “How can Dr. Mamdouh Hamza build houses for the poor at half the cost that you charge?”
Third, if Dr. Hamza’s project were successful, this would prove his administrative skills and his well-known engineering talent, which might lead to mention of his name as a strong candidate for a ministerial position in any early cabinet reshuffle. This possibility in particular frightens ministers who are trembling wit
h fear for their positions and who consider Dr. Hamza and anyone of similar competence to be dangerous rivals who might replace them.
Fourth, Mamdouh Hamza’s project depended wholly on private donations and was independent of any governmental or quasi-governmental body. It is a successful model that can be repeated across the country. It would create a popular force that would challenge the government and set up projects that are better than those of the state. The Egyptian regime, like all despotic regimes, is not at all comfortable with the idea of an independent popular force, even on a matter such as housing for the poor, because those who rally today to build houses with their own money and effort will definitely one day rally to demand their political rights.
The story of Dr. Mamdouh Hamza, though frustrating, is useful, and I offer it to all those who still believe that a renaissance can come about in our country without political reform. Some generous people still imagine that if every Egyptian worked hard then Egypt would progress without the need for democratic change. But this well-intentioned idea is in fact extremely naïve because it assumes that the effect of despotism is limited to parliament and the government. The truth is that despotism, like a cancer, starts in the political system and spreads rapidly through all government agencies, crippling and destroying them. Despotism definitely leads to the corruption of the state, which quickly leads to the formation of malignant gangs inside the regime who amass great fortunes through corruption and are prepared to fight viciously and destroy any person, any idea, and any project to preserve their gains. The added fact that a despotic regime gives priority to loyalty over competence, and therefore gives jobs to loyal supporters who usually are not objectively qualified to do the job, makes them dread the appearance of anyone really competent who might take over their position. That’s how a despotic system is transformed into a frightful machine that routinely eliminates people of talent, fighting and persecuting them, while at the same time attracting failures and incompetents as long as they sing and dance for the president and praise his genius and magnificent achievements.
In the end all this leads to a deterioration of the state’s performance in every field until the country reaches rock bottom, as has happened in Egypt. What happened to Dr. Hamza is exactly what happened previously to Dr. Ahmed Zewail and all the talented Egyptians who have tried to do something to help their country. All this proves once again that Egypt cannot be saved from its current nightmare by individual efforts, however sincere and enthusiastic. Any attempt at reform without democratic change is simply a waste of time and effort.
Democracy is the solution.
May 10, 2010
Who is Killing the Poor in Egypt?
Mohamed Fathy, a brilliant journalist and a talented writer, recently went on holiday to Alexandria with his two children, his wife, and her sister, Nashwa. They all had a wonderful time and then suddenly an unfortunate incident took place. A speeding car hit Nashwa as she was crossing the road and she suffered serious injuries and fractures, her clothes were torn, and she lost consciousness. Because she was alone at the time of the accident some passersby took her to the government hospital in the center of the city. So far the story would appear normal—a woman is injured in a traffic accident and taken to a hospital for treatment—but what happened after that is beyond imagination. Nashwa and dozens of other injured people were dumped into a place called the Awatef al-Naggar Emergency Unit and she stayed there for two hours without any first aid or treatment and without any doctor examining her. Mohamed Fathy arrived at the hospital and found Nashwa at death’s door. He asked for a doctor to examine her but nobody paid any attention. With the passage of time and the apathy of the hospital staff, Fathy lost his temper and started shouting at everyone he met: “We need a doctor, I beg you! The patient is going to die!”
No doctor came up to examine Nashwa, but a policeman came to inform Mohamed Fathy that he was forbidden from staying by her side because she was in a women’s ward and no men were allowed there. Fathy began threatening them by saying he was a journalist and he would write a story about all the crimes they commit against poor patients. Only then did a doctor appear to examine Nashwa, a full three hours after she arrived in pieces at the hospital. The doctor then announced that she needed to have some scans. He left it at that and abandoned her where she was. After much effort Mohamed Fathy managed to get in touch with the director of the hospital, Dr. Mohamed al-Maradny, who seemed extremely upset at the idea that anyone might contact him about patients. Sarcastically the doctor asked Fathy, “And what can I do for you, sir?”
Fathy told him that his wife’s sister was dying and had been dumped in his hospital without any medical attention or scans for more than three hours. At that point Dr. al-Maradny said, “Delays with scans are quite normal. Even if you’re in a private hospital and you pay the doctors’ fees, scans can be delayed.”
The hospital director was trying to remind Fathy that Nashwa was receiving free treatment so her family did not have the right to complain about anything. Fathy spoke to the director at length about humaneness and the doctor’s duty to tend to the sick, and after a long conversation the director (who appears to manage the hospital from afar by telephone) did order immediate scans for Nashwa. At this point a new problem arose. A cleaner came up to Nashwa, whose condition had greatly deteriorated, and was about to carry her in his arms to the scans department. Mohamed Fathy objected, arguing that carrying patients with fractures required a trained medic because moving the patient’s body carelessly could cause death. The hospital staff ridiculed Fathy’s idea, which seemed very strange to them. “What do you mean, medic? We don’t have that kind of thing here. Either this man carries her or we leave her where she is,” they said. The cleaner went up to poor Nashwa and shouted, “Come on, let’s hope for the best. Lift, lift!” He gave her a violent yank and her screams resounded throughout the hospital.
At last Nashwa had a CAT scan, and then it was the turn of the C-scan operator. This man, by the consensus of the hospital staff, was always sullen and morose, treating patients rudely and arrogantly, and if he did not like a patient he announced that the machine was out of order and declined to do the scan, no matter how serious the patient’s condition. On top of that he was bearded and had Salafist ideas. The scan operator was dawdling around in his room and Fathy went to him several times, begging him to come and do the scan for Nashwa. At last the man came and shouted at everyone present, “Women out. I don’t want any women here.” Fathy’s wife tried to explain to him that she was the patient’s sister but the man insisted she get out. He allowed Fathy to stay on the grounds that he was mahram, sufficiently closely related to Nashwa under Islamic law. He then grabbed Nashwa’s arm violently and when she screamed he shouted at her angrily, “Keep your voice right down. I don’t want to hear a sound.” Mohamed Fathy found himself in a difficult situation. If he argued with the bearded scan operator Nashwa might lose her chance to have the scan and might die. So he resorted to a trick to win the man’s approval. He starting talking to Nashwa using Salafist expressions: “Don’t forget to put on the headscarf you left outside. Never mind, sister. May God reward you well, sir. Recite the Qur’an. God is the one whose help we seek, sir. May God reward you well, may God reward you well.” The stratagem achieved its purpose. The bearded scan operator gave way, approved of the patient, and carried out the scan.
After all this negligence, which was close to criminal, it would have been natural for Nashwa to die in the government hospital, but God wanted to grant her a new life and, almost miraculously, Mohamed Fathy managed to move her to a private hospital where she underwent an emergency operation that saved her life. This incident, full of details I received from Mohamed Fathy, contains the answer to the question, who is killing the poor in Egypt?
Responsibility for the deaths of poor patients in state-run hospitals goes beyond the minister of health to the president of the republic himself. Egypt’s tragedy begins with President Mubarak, who, despite our r
espect for his person and his status, was not elected by anyone and is not accountable to anyone and so feels no real need to win the approval of Egyptians or pay much attention to what they think about what he does. He knows he holds power by force and has a massive apparatus of repression that can punish without mercy anyone who tries to remove him. This president, who is above any oversight and immune against change, chooses and dismisses his ministers for reasons he does not feel compelled to explain to the public, and so these ministers are answerable only to him and not to Egyptians. Their only concern is to please the president; they have no interest at all in what happens to people as a result of their policies. We have only to remember how health minister Hatem al-Gabali, who is responsible for the deaths of hundreds of patients in his wretched hospitals, abandoned everything and stayed for weeks with the president while he was being treated in Germany. As far as the minister of health is concerned, the health of the president is a thousand times more important than the lives of poor people, because only the president has the power to dismiss him at any moment.
In such complete alienation between power and people, we see a model of the Egyptian government. The hospital director manages to win the approval of his superiors in some way and is then immune to any oversight and does not even take the trouble to go to his hospital, instead running it by telephone. He treats poor patients as annoying creatures who are a burden to him and to society. Then there is the warped behavior of the scan operator, who is just as poor, wretched, and frustrated as the patients but whose sense of wretchedness is transformed into hostility toward the patients. He enjoys controlling and humiliating them and at the same time understands religion as appearance, ways of dress, and acts of worship divorced from human values such as honesty and compassion, which are the most important parts of religion. This vicious cycle, which starts with despotism and leads to negligence and corruption, recurs every day in Egypt and ends in the deaths of more poor people. What happened in the government hospital in Alexandria is exactly what has happened with the dozens of buildings that have collapsed on top of inhabitants, the ferries that have sunk, and the trains that have caught fire. It is saddening that the number of people who have died from corruption and negligence in Egypt is greater than the number who have died in all its wars. In other words the Egyptian regime has killed more Egyptians than Israel. The horrendous crimes committed against the poor every day will not stop because a manager is transferred or a worker punished. When the president and his ministers are elected and accountable and can be removed from office by the people, only then will they care for the health, life, and dignity of Egyptians.
On the State of Egypt Page 16