The board was naturally delighted and approached the Rennies, grateful for their excellent survey and their parliamentary expertise, about becoming the engineers in charge of the construction of the line. They took their time giving an answer, saying they were very busy, they were going away. The board had to wait very patiently. In the end they suggested that perhaps the Rennies would agree if they were given the help of a couple of secondary engineers, someone like George Stephenson for example. When the Rennies finally replied their conditions were long and complicated. They wanted £600 per annum, for which one of them guaranteed to make six visits a year to the railway, which was very decent of them. They said they would like some assistant engineers, but it would have to be someone like Thomas Telford. On no account would they have George Stephenson.
The directors decided, after a lot of discussion, to refuse the Rennies’ conditions. Another engineer was considered but after Sandars had investigated his work and his conditions for doing the job he too was deemed to be unsuitable. Almost by default they turned once more to George Stephenson, asking if he would be engineer for the Liverpool–Manchester Railway.
By this time the Stockton and Darlington had successfully opened, which put George in a better light, making up slightly for his parliamentary debacle. Sandars, and Booth, the treasurer, had both remained his supporters but they’d been in a minority ever since George’s parliamentary failure. However, they were not sending begging letters or messengers to Stephenson, worrying if perhaps he’d got something better. They were doing him the favour this time and laid down conditions accordingly. He was to devote at least nine months in every year to full time work on the line and during its construction he was to take on no new work for any other railway company. His salary was to be £800 a year. Vignoles was to be his chief assistant, which didn’t please Stephenson, nor did it please Vignoles, having done the parliamentary survey. However, Vignoles looked on himself as ‘co-engineer’, not assistant to George, a situation which was bound to lead to trouble.
They were soon arguing over the work, with George blaming Vignoles for everything that went wrong, saying it should be done his way. George realised he was in the stronger position and eventually managed to ease out Vignoles, getting him paid off by the board. Vignoles, unlike William James, went on to greater things becoming president of the Institution of Civil Engineers. In later life he described what working with George had been like.
I acknowledge having on many occasions differed with him (and that in common with almost all other engineers), because it appeared to me he did not look on the concern with a liberal and expanded view but with a microscopic eye; magnifying details and pursuing a petty system of parsimony very proper in a private colliery line or in a small undertaking but wholly inappliable to this national work. I also plead guilty to having neglected to court Mr. Stephenson’s favours by crying down all other engineers, especially those in London for, though I highly respect his great natural talents, I would not shut my eyes to certain deficiencies.
Even before Vignoles had gone, George called in all his old assistants, his tried and true assistants and colleagues from the north east, such as John Dixon and Joseph Locke. He hired navvies who had worked on the Darlington line and set about personally designing all the bridges, machinery and engines. There were to be sixty-three bridges on the thirty-mile double track railway line, the most difficult being the Sankey Viaduct with nine arches. The biggest tunnel was the Edgehill tunnel at the Liverpool end, a monument of engineering to this day. They had to cut deep into the sandstone for over two miles, excavating half a million tons of rock. The tunnel itself was to be 2,240 yards long. But the biggest obstacle of all was the dreaded Chat Moss, the one that the opposition had said in parliament would only be attempted by a fool or a madman.
On John Dixon’s arrival from Darlington in July 1826 he was taken on his first day, as a fearful initiation rite, to watch progress on Chat Moss. He fell off some planks into the Moss and was up to his knees, fast disappearing, before they managed to drag him out. George was failing completely to make any impression on the Moss. The more he tipped in ballast, the more it disappeared. Instead he ordered his workmen to strap wood to their feet, like snow shoes, and to attempt to lay blankets of heather and wood across the worst of the twelve square miles of the Moss. Once again, the heather and wood just disappeared, swallowed up by the bog. His ultimate idea was to make a raft strong enough to take the railway, an idea which was ridiculed by every expert and worried over by every member of the board. The board was continually having urgent meetings, sending out delegations to inspect the works, trying to talk George into having advisory engineers in an effort to keep his madness in check. Drivers of stage coaches, driving past the Moss, were always bringing back alarming intelligence to Liverpool and Manchester which kept the public and the local papers agog. ‘Hundreds of men and horses sunk! The work completely abandoned. The Engineer swallowed alive! Railways at an end for ever!’
George was working round the clock, rising at five and going off on his favourite horse Bobby, brought with him from the north east, to inspect a tunnel or a viaduct or the latest attempt to grapple with the Moss. At breakfast time he’d return to the pub or farm house where he was staying and make his own breakfast of ‘crowdie’, which according to Smiles was a porridge made by pouring hot water over a handful of oats. (In Scotland crowdie is a cream cheese made out of sour milk, popular with workmen, who leave it to drain overnight in an old handkerchief.) That was his meal for the day before going off on further inspections of the works. When home, at his new house in Liverpool, in Upper Parliament Street, he would work late into the night with his pupils and assistants on drawings and designs, dictating letters and reports to his secretaries.
At the frequent board meetings, where he had to explain yet further delays in conquering Chat Moss, he would argue his point by sticking his right thumb through the button of his coat lapel and vehemently hitching his right shoulder, ‘as was his habit,’ says Smiles, ‘when labouring under any considerable excitement’.
He might have been excited, nay agitated, but he was never nervous, unlike his son Robert. For all Robert’s daring adventures and expeditions he was a worrier by nature, rarely optimistic about the future, facing everything carefully and humbly, never really happy until the end or a result had been achieved. George was always confident in his powers, dismissing the cautious as weak and the critics as fools, completely convinced he would win through in the end. Years later (at a speech in Birmingham in 1837) he described his eventual triumph at Chat Moss. By then he was speaking with the confidence of hindsight, but all contemporaries confirm that he had always been convinced of success, right from the beginning.
After working for weeks and weeks … we went on filling in without the slightest apparent effect. Even my assistants began to feel uneasy and to doubt the success of the scheme. The directors, too, spoke of it as a hopeless task, and at length they became seriously alarmed.… There was no help, however, but to go on. An immense outlay had been incurred and a great loss would have been occasioned had the scheme been then abandoned, and the line taken by another route. So the directors were compelled to allow me to proceed with my plans, of the ultimate success of which I myself never for one moment doubted.
To make sure he was giving them his best, in early 1827 the board increased his salary to £1,000 a year, on condition that he gave his complete, full-time attention to the works. Though he’d agreed to take on no new schemes since being made engineer, he already had an existing contract with the Canterbury and Whitstable Railway, and a couple of small ones at Bolton and in Wales, plus the loco works and other interests in Newcastle.
In February 1827 George wrote a letter to Robert in South America, the longest letter in his own hand which survives to this day – probably the longest he himself ever wrote. It now resides in the records office in Liverpool, which acquired it in 1968. It is difficult to read, having no punctuation, no paragra
phs and very little grammar. To make matters worse George had written extra sentences down the margins, trying to cram in as much as possible.
It is of importance to railway historians interested in George’s technical development because it gives in great detail, plus little sketches, his latest thinking on the many engineering problems he was facing at the time on the Liverpool line, and the progress of many of the more important works. There is, for example, a detailed description of an experimental locomotive which has foxed engineers for generations, having seen references to it elsewhere but never knowing the details.
But as a personal look at George, his thoughts, his attitudes, his literary skill – or lack of it – it is of unique interest. There is no other primary source which has the same freshness or immediacy.
It has been brilliantly analysed by Professor Jack Simmons of Leicester University, who published his observations in the Journal of Transport History (Volume 2, September 1971, pages 108–15) under the title ‘A Holograph Letter from George Stephenson’. As he points out, it is an exceedingly rare example of George’s hand. (The only other one of note is the letter referred to earlier, to the old Walbottle Colliery friends about his great enemy Hawthorn.) In both letters, if the punctuation is once inserted, it can be seen that George has in fact a natural flow, a genuine command of words and phrases. One can see what Samuel Smiles meant when he said that George had a great capacity for dictating and could sit for hours giving lengthy yet coherent and technical letters straight to his secretaries. But here, for once, is George himself. Punctuation and paragraphs have been added where possible, to make it easier to read, but the spelling has been left unchanged.
Leverpool feb. 23rd 1827
My Dear
Robert your very welcom letter dated Oct 26 1826 we duly received and was glad to here such good newes from Colombia respecting the mines – but at the same time greatly disapointed at you not geting home so soon as was expected. however I hope all will be for the best, and I must waddle on as well as I can until you get to joine me. There has been a florishing a count of your men in the English pappers and great creadit is given to Robert Stephenson for his good management of them.*
I must now let you know how we are geting on in this quarter. Yore mother is geting her tea beside me while I am riting this and in good spirits. she has been in Leverpool a bout a fortnight. We have got a very comfortable home, and a Roume set a side for Robert and Charels when they arive in England.†
We are getting rapitly on with the tunnal under Liverpool it is 22 feet width & 16 feet high we have 6 shafts and driving right & left we have also got a great deal done on chat moss and on the same plans that I prepared befor parlament 2 years a go which plans was condemed by almost all the Engineers in England. these plans is by cuting & imbanking with the moss some of the laths 12 feet high and stand remarkably well–it was said that Renney‡ had some of the best surveyors in England with hire here and one of the best was left with me which I supposed was expected by menny of our directors to be a guid[e] to me.§ I set him to surveye the tunnval and mark out the different shafts after which I found a meathat of cheking his work and found eny shaft out of the line. this was after we had spent about woof., in that part. this was a finishing blay [blow] to Renny & his … My asstance is now all of my own chosen.
The Bolton line which was clandistanly got from me when we were in parlament with the Liverpool bill has been given to me – a welsh line 9 miles long has been put into my hands. a line at Canterbury is in my hands likewise – we have a most magnificent Bridge to build a cross the sankey valley near newton it will be 70 feet high so as to cross the masts of ships that navigate that canal. I have drawen a plan on the gothick principal. there will be 20 arches of 40 feet span. it will be quite a novel in England as there will be a flat arch sprung between the centre of the tops of the gothick and so on. it has a fine a pearance in the plans. we have also 2 bridges in hand at present, one at the river adjoining chat moss and the other crossing the duckes (Duke’s) cannai near manchester the one 30 feet span and the other 25.
we have just advertised for 400 waggon wheels & 200 axels and strange to say Robert Stephenson & Co. offer was lower than any other house and we have had offers from almost all the best houses in England –my plan of wheels is now put up like the maile Coach axels but still fast so that one greaseing per day is a nough – the locomotive engine is working very well at Darlington– and a great many Coaches on the line I think a’ bout 6 and each drawen (by) one horse which take a bout 30 passengers and run to Stockton in 1½ hours and many come from a great distance to ride in those Coaches. it is expected that a line will be made from Darlington to York and I have been asked to take the survey – but hope it will be cept back untill you come to England–this line will sute Mr Charels.
I think the projected tunnat under the thames was talked of befor you left – it is now got a good way under the river but will cost a great deal more money than was expected. This is however a very common case with engineers – the estimate for this concern is 500000£, and I daresay it will require it all.*
the line passes Rainhill very near the same place where Dameses line passed. we shall want one steam engine at that place and a nother at near parr moss also one at the top of the tunnat. I want these engines to be constantly moveing with an endless Rope so that the locomotive engines can take hold of the Rope and go on with out stoping. the Incline plane will only be ¾ of an inch per yard. so that the poor (power) of the locomotive assisted by the perment (permanent) ones will get the traffict on in grand stile. we most (must) go at to miles per hour. I think I told you about my new plan of locomotive it will be a huge job the Cylinder[s?] is intirely within the Bolior and neaither Cranks nor cham will be wanted. I have no fire door(?) and I will not use more than the coals that has heather (hither) to been used. you will think I have mistaken some ideas about this but I think not.
you may depend upon it that if you do not get home soon every thing will be at prefecttion and then there will be nothing for you to do or invent–however we will hope that some usfull Ideas will be brought from the western world. – the coal trade has been very bad in Newcastle last year. you cannot immagine how kindly Mr. Lambert inquires after you. Mr. Charels Weatherly is now a father – I think I told you of his marriage last year–Mr. Wood* is expected to he maried very soon of a young lady with a great posithen. she be long to Alnwick. he got a quainted with her at the election –†
your mother expects you will not forget the presents. you must bring more than one as Mrs Robert Stephenson will want one by & by – and we expect Mr. Charels will bring plenty of amarica plants seeds for our (garden). cannot you bring your favorate mule with you. I trust (this?) letter will just catch you befor living (leaving) the country. my kindest love to Charels I am my Dear Dear Robert your affectionate father Geo: Stephenson
George’s spelling was largely phonetic, based on what he heard, which explains his fondness for a plural subject followed by a singular verb. He’s also fond of splitting words in two, words which when spoken do sound as if they could be two – such as a go, be long, a cross, and even a-nough (enough). No doubt his secretaries were well aware of his peculiarities and could easily polish up his grammar and correct the verbal agreements when writing out his business letters.
George comes across strongly as being rather sharp and sardonic, getting in dry asides at his enemies whenever he has a chance, such as the reference to the Rennies and to his parliamentary battle. He is also dogmatic and opinionated, convinced he’s right and people like Vignoles are wrong. (Though he must have changed his plans for the Sankey viaduct as he ended up building it with nine arches, not twenty as mentioned in this letter.) His phrase ‘must waddle on’ is attractive. For a supposedly illiterate man he could be a fluent and interesting writer.
The letter also shows a good relationship between the father and son which will perhaps dispel for ever the idea that there had been a serious row between them. I
t is obvious from the last paragraph that Robert has sent a long chatty letter to his father. In turn George’s homely details, with his wife getting the tea beside him, are endearing. George is cheerful and it is obvious that life and the Liverpool works are going well, though he is patently missing his son.
In March of 1827 Joseph Locke, George’s assistant, wrote to Robert telling him the latest progress, confirming that George was now well and truly back in favour. ‘The shade which was unfortunately cast on the fame of your father has disappeared; and the place which he must often have reflected on with pain is now such a scene of operations as sheds lustre on his character and will, no doubt, immortalise his name.’
Robert’s operations in South America were at last being organised into some sort of order, though it’s hard to find out if the mines he opened ever made much of a profit. In the three years he was there, 1824–7, he spent a total of £200,000 on behalf of the Colombian Mining Association, a large sum for a young man. They wanted him to renew his contract, which indicates they were pleased with his work. By the summer 1827 he finally felt able to make plans to return home. In a letter to Longridge at the end of July he said he was leaving ‘with all convenient dispatch because of the parlous state of the locomotive works’. However, he appears to have been in no hurry to rush back to the bosom of his family, despite his protestations of affection, or to rescue the locomotive works in Newcastle. He spent some time planning an expedition to the nearby Isthmus of Panama as he wanted to have a look at the route of a canal that had been the talk of engineers for some time, a canal Iinking the Atlantic with the Pacific. A group of British financiers had got the money ready for its construction but the Colombian government were showing little interest. ‘How it would influence commerce in every quarter of the world! ‘ wrote Robert in a letter to Longridge. ‘One would have thought with a young country that this proposal would have met with immediate sanction.’ (It wasn’t until 1903 that the Panama Canal was begun, this time with American money.)
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