98. Kuroda (1984).
99. One sex therapist in California, Susan Block, has selected the bonobo ("the horniest chimps on earth") as her favorite animal, advertising her business on her Web site with: "whether you want to help save the bonobos or just save your own sex life, I'll be here for you. "
100. Parish and de Waal (2000).
4. Animal Art Would You Hang a Congo on the Wall?
101. Introduction by Morris to Lenain (1997).
102. Deacon (1999).
103. Leakey and Lewin (1992).
104. Gilliard (1969).
105. Miller (2000).
106. Quoted in Hildebrand (1999).
107. Porter and Neuringer (1984) and Watanabe and Nemoto (1998).
108. Mader and Tamura (1964). This is not to say that there is no biological effect on how a bird sings. Many birds learn the song of their own species more accurately than that of another species, and if exposed to both, tend to learn the former, which means that learning is biased toward their own species.
109. L. F. Baptista, at the Annual Meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D. C. , 2000. The speaker died a few months later.
110. My translation from the first part of Mozart's poem: "Hier ruht ein lieber Narr, ein Vogel Staar. Noch in den besten Jahren, muBt er erfahren des Todes bittern Schmerz. "
111. Liner notes accompanying A Musical Joke by W. A. Mozart, Deutsche Grammophon 400 065-2.
112. West and King (1990, p. 112).
113. Watanabe et al. (1995). During my visit to his lab, I asked Watanabe why he tested his birds on Western painters and composers-why not Japanese? He answered that the reviewers of international journals are impressed only by birds discriminating among art that they know, or have heard about.
114. Busch and Silver (1994).
115. Huxley (1942).
116. Schiller (1951). Alpha was the first-born chimpanzee of the Yerkes colony at Orange Park in Florida, the precursor of the Yerkes Regional Primate Research Center, where I now work, which is part of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia.
117. Lenain (1997).
118. The book's translation out of French erroneously uses the term "monkey" as synonymous with "ape," perhaps because the distinction is less clear in French (singe and grand singe, respectively). In contrast to monkeys, apes belong to the hominoids, a small, distinct primate family consisting only of bonobos, orangutans, gorillas, chimpanzees, gibbons, and humans.
119. Lenain (1997) notes how disruption of order requires that one recognizes order, hence has a sense of it. So he doesn't see his position as totally at odds with Morris's. However, where Morris postulates a positive tendency to create something, Lenain sees the ape as trying to get rid of something else. The height of either confusion or brilliance is reached when Lenain states: "It is perfectly conceivable that a kind of 'sense of disorder' reigns in the image field so straightforwardly that it may manifest itself mainly in the guise of a sense of order. "
120. Apes find painting pleasurable and self-reinforcing. They do it enthusiastically without any outside reward. To test this, Morris reinforced one chimpanzee with tidbits for any artistic expression. The result was a dra matic loss of interest: the ape worked as quickly as possible, only to hold out a hand for the reward (Morris, 1962).
121. Levy (1961).
5. Predicting Mount Fuji, and a Visit to Koshima, Where the Monkeys Salt Their Potatoes
122. This is a paraphrasing of Imanishi's insightful discussion of culture (Itani and Nishimura, 1973), which now seems rather unremarkable, but was published in 1952, at about the time that Western scientists were still engaged in a polarized debate about whether behavior depended on learning or instinct.
123. Kurland (1977).
124. Sugiyama (1967).
125. Sommer (1994).
126. In some species, females seem to make paternity a confused issuefor example, by having sexual encounters with males even when they are not fertile. If males are unable to exclude their own offspring from infanticide, their strategy becomes counterproductive according to theories proposed by Hrdy (1979).
127. Mayr (1997). My own experience in this regard was the discovery of reconciliation. That cooperative animals need to repair their relationships after fights sounds logical enough, but reconciliation behavior was not predicted or even remotely considered by evolutionary biologists, who traditionally have shown far more interest in win-lose than win-win arrangements. My initial hunches, based on seeing chimpanzees kiss and embrace after a fight, are now supported by studies of a host of species (Aureli and de Waal, 2000; de Waal, 2000).
128. Wolpert (1992).
129. Nishida (1990).
130. Asquith (1986).
131. Asquith (1989, pp. 136-137).
132. Imanishi (1952).
133. Ko means "happy" in Japanese, and shima means "island. " Koshima island is therefore redundant. Other famous monkey sites in Japan also have built-in habitat descriptions, such as Yakushima,']akasakiyama, Arashiyama, Ryozenyama, Jigokudani, and Katsuyama (yama means mountain, dani means valley).
134. My enthusiastic interpreter was Satsuki Kuroki. On my visit to the island, I was accompanied by Kunio Watanabe, a scientist from the Primate Research Institute in Inuyama, who has worked at Koshima for many years. See Watanabe (1994).
135. Kawamura wrote the pioneering papers on the Koshima monkeys, laying out the argument for cultural propagation. He also ascribed intergroup differences to differing traditions, noting how some monkey troops eat eggs, while others do not, or how paternal care is restricted to some troops. To avoid battles with Japanese skeptics, he used the term "subculture" rather than "culture. " Most of his studies appeared in Japanese only (Itani and Nishimura, 1973).
136. In the first five years, which Kawai (1965) called the period of "individual propagation," 15 out of 19 monkeys between the ages of two and seven years acquired the behavior, but only 2 out of 11 adults. During the following period of "precultural propagation," almost all infants born to potato washing mothers learned the habit. Ten years after Imo's discovery, ninety-seven percent of the monkeys under the age of twelve years showed the habit.
137. Noso died a few months after my visit, and the beta male, Kemushi, took his place.
138. Watanabe (1989).
139. Keyes (1982, pp. 14-17).
140. At five other Japanese provisioning sites, monkeys developed potato washing. At these sites, the behavior never spread, though; it remained restricted to a few isolated individuals. These observations do show that Imo did not exactly discover the monkey equivalent of the wheel: the cleaning of food in water develops quite readily (Visalberghi and Fragaszy, 1990a).
141. Keyes (1982). For a thorough debunking of this piece of pseudoscience, see Amudson (1985).
142. Galef (1990).
143. Steven Green visited Japan in 1968 and 1969, and attended potato feedings at Koshima (Green, 1975).
144. Galef (1990), an investigator of laboratory rats, failed to consider this constraint on food provisioning. His remarkable free association about what may have occurred at Koshima, forty years after the fact, has never before been critically examined. The scientists involved didn't know how to politely respond to harsh criticism concerning an issue - imitation -that they themselves had never emphasized.
145. Recently, the first report appeared of Japanese monkeys developing a washing habit without any human influence, involving a natural food. Monkeys at Katsuyama were seen to pull grass roots one by one from the ground, then carry a pile of them to a nearby river to wash off the dirt before eating them. The habit spread to eleven adult females, six of whom belonged to the same matriline (Nakamichi et al. , 1998).
146. Galef (1990).
147. More relevant than the speed of learning is the shape of the learning curve in the population, which should be linear in the case of individual learning but accelerating over time in the case of social learning. A detailed analysis by
Lefebvre (1995) of learning rates contradicts claims of individual learning, and lends support to the cultural learning model.
6. The Last Rubicon Can Other Animals Have Culture?
148. In an exceptionally open-minded chapter on the background of culture, American anthropologist Ralph Linton (1936) warned that, although human culture is unique, some of the underlying abilities can be traced to "the animal level. " In line with the argument presently pursued, he noted that the exact learning process is irrelevant, "for the vital thing in the transmission of learned behavior has been the ability of each generation to take over the habits of the one preceding it. "
149. For more on Imanishi and his school of primatology, see "The Fate of Gurus" (Chapter 2) and "Predicting Mount Fuji" (Chapter 5).
150. Shweder (1991) discusses "Post-Nietzchean" anthropology and how it treats cultural practices as arbitrary and imaginary, resulting in a degrading of custom and tradition as well as a rupture with the natural world.
151. Tyler (1871).
152. White (1959).
153. In its negative form (what culture is not) the "how" question is critical, however. Cultural propagation is defined as nongenetic, as in one of the earliest inclusive definitions by Bonner (1980): "By culture I mean the transfer of information by behavioral means, most particularly by the process of teaching and learning. It is used in a sense that contrasts with the transmission of genetic information passed by direct inheritance of genes from one generation to the next. " For my own definition, see the "Prologue.
154. Ladygina-Kohts (in press).
155. Russon (1996, p. 166).
156. Tomasello, Savage-Rumbaugh, and Kruger (1993). For the concept of enculturation, see Tomasello and Call (1997): "The most plausible hypothesis at present is that human-raised apes understand the intentions of others in ways that their wild conspecifics do not. " The little problem that I see in this conclusion is with the word "others," which ought to be replaced by "humans. "
157. Despite my criticism, the ape-human imitation paradigm recently worked in an ingenious experiment by Whiten (1998). One such positive outcome obviously puts question marks behind the negative results of similar experiments in the literature.
158. Humphrey (1976) offers a definition of sympathy: "By sympathy I mean a tendency on the part of one social partner to identify himself with the other and so make the other's goals to some extent his
159. Darwin (1871).
160. See Byrne and Russon (1998) and its twenty-eight commentaries.
161. Kohler (1925, p. 280).
162. Matsuzawa (1994) and Inoue-Nakamura and Matsuzawa (1997).
163. Galef (1990).
164. Huffman (1996).
165. As a conformist form of learning, BIOL fits current evolutionary thinking about the origins of culture (Henrich and Boyd, 1998).
166. As an illustration of the polarized nature of the ongoing debate, this paper appeared under the uncompromising title "Why Animals Have Neither Culture nor History" (Premack and Premack, 1994).
167. That Sarah readily imitates people (which is in line with similar findings on language-trained apes) fully agrees with the BIOL model, according to which social learning is facilitated by emotional closeness to and identification with the model. The difference from the enculturation hypothesis is that BIOL attributes Sarah's imitation to her interest in and familiarity with human companions, whereas the enculturation hypothesis makes the far less parsimonious assumption of altered mental faculties.
168. Kroeber (1923, p. 104).
169. Gould (1999), Whiten et al. (1999), and de Waal (1999).
170. Montagu (1968).
171. McGrew (1992) protests against the half-accept, half-reject approach that dominated the early literature on animal culture, when authors would place "culture" between quotation marks, or add prefixes, as in "proto-culture," "pre-culture," or "sub-culture. " He notes that there is no justification for these neologisms and that "the coining of new terms is no substitute for explicit reasoning. " In the same influential book, McGrew pays much attention to Kroeber's views and shows how they relate to the question of chimpanzee culture.
172. Kroeber (1928).
7. The Nutcracker Suite Reliance on Culture in Nature
173. Sept and Brooks (1994).
174. Beatty (1951, p. 118).
175. Sugiyama and Koman (1979).
176. Boesch and Boesch-Achermann (1991, p. 53). In this quote from Natural History, I have translated medieval measures into metric.
177. For sex differences in tool use, see McGrew (1979) and Boesch and Boesch (1984).
178. The claim that tool making separates us from other life forms was made most forcefully by Kenneth Oakley (1957) in Man the Tool-Maker. Oakley was aware of Kohler's observations that chimpanzees sometimes fashion tools, for example, by fitting a stick into a bamboo tube so as to make it longer. Oakley refused to count what the apes did as tool manufacture, however, since it was done in reaction to a given situation-a banana dangling outside the cage-rather than in anticipation of an imagined future.
179. In contrast, the most quoted definition of tool use among students of animal behavior is the one by Beck (1980): "the external deployment of an unattached environmental object to alter more efficiently the form, position, or condition of another object. "
180. Allen (1997, p. 48).
181. Due to articles by nonprimatologists (e. g. , Mann, 1972), the idea has become widespread that chimpanzee behavioral diversity has a negligible impact on subsistence. This unproven supposition has become another weapon against the "culture" label. However, as is evident from examples in this chapter, a great deal of chimpanzee culture concerns food collection, including foods that are inaccessible without complex learned techniques. Further, one also wonders where the requirement that culture is crucial for survival leaves human culture: many human cultural variants have little or nothing to do with survival.
182. Gunther and Boesch (1993).
183. Yamakoshi (1998).
184. McGrew and Tutin (1978). Handclasp grooming is now known of several other chimpanzee communities in the field, such as one in Uganda observed in the 1980s by Ghiglieri (1988).
185. De Waal and Seres (1997).
186. De Waal (1989a).
187. De Waal (1989a).
188. Marshall et al. (1999).
189. Hirata et al. (1998).
190. Alp (1997).
191. Most of the evidence has been summarized by Huffman (1997). At the Primate Research Institute of Kyoto University, Huffman is currently exposing chimpanzees to bristly, rough leaves similar to Aspilla. Their first response is avoidance, but the aversion is overcome by apes who have watched another put leaves into its mouth.
192. Hinde and Fisher (1951).
193. Aisner and Terkel (1992).
194. Whiten (1998).
195. Van Schaik et al. (1999). For inhibition in a less tolerant primate, see Drea and Wallen (1999).
196. Tanaka (1995).
197. Nakamura et al. (in press). Empathy and perspective-taking in apes are discussed in Chapter 2 of de Waal (1996a).
198. Boesch (1991).
199. Boesch and Tomasello (1998).
200. The reduction of culture to discrete self-propagating units is rather old. Recent genetically inspired terms for these units are "meme" by Dawkins (1976) and "culturgen" by Lumsden and Wilson (1981). Most scientists have given these ideas little thought, considering them "cocktailparty science" (Time, April 19, 1999). For a critical yet supportive comparison of genes with memes, see Wimsatt (1999).
201. See Lumsden and Wilson (1981), Boyd and Richerson (1985), and Durham (1991).
202. The term "cultural biology" was already proposed in the 1950s by Imanishi when he sought to foster contact between anthropologists and zoologists (T. Nishida, personal communication).
203. Payne (1998).
204. Ottoni and Mannu (in press) have documented more than one hundred cracking sites in the p
ark, which is near Sao Paulo. They also observed the monkeys' behavior and found that, as in chimpanzees, the young are less efficient crackers than the adults. Despite increasing field research on these primates, this is the first wild capuchin group for which stone-tool use has ever been reported.
205. The 1998 Prix Jean-Marie Delwart awarded by the Royal Academy of Sciences of Belgium.
206. Wrangham et al. (1994) and Whiten et al. (1999). For further information see http://chimp. st-and. ac. uk/cultures/. Apart from these books and articles, a recent French edited volume posed the question whether culture is natural (Ducros et al. , 1998).
207. Exclusion of ecological explanations for a single behavioral variant, such as nut cracking, has been undertaken by McGrew et al. (1997).
208. Whitehead (1998).
8. Cultural Naturals: Tea and Tibetan Macaques
209. Corbey (1997).
210. Montagu (1968).
211. In the late fall, when they are at their heaviest, adult males weigh on average 19. 5 kg and adult females 16. 8 kg (Zhao, 1996).
212. The term "sexual harassment" was in use in the primate literature long before it became a public issue in Western society. The term refers to the disturbance of mating pairs by bystanders, which may jump on top of them, pull their hair, and so forth.
213. The most detailed studies of bridging in Tibetan macaques are those by a Japanese researcher, Hideshi Ogawa. Making his observations at Huang Shan, Ogawa found that adult males bridge more with male than with female infants. When approaching a dominant male, they often bring the particular infant that this male prefers (i. e. , the infant he associates with most). Bridging also occurs between the sexes, and among females. For these encounters, the offspring of the approached female is often used. The selection of infants thus suggests knowledge of which infant is attractive to the bridging partner (Ogawa, 1995).
The Ape And The Sushi Master Reflections Of A Primatologist Page 29