by Peter Watson
15. Bendix, Op. cit., page 33.
16. Cantor, Op. cit., page 195. See also Canning, Op. cit., pages 60–61.
17. David Levine, At the Dawn of Modernity, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001, page 18.
18. Cantor, Op. cit., page 203.
19. Ibid., pages 218–223. See also Canning, Op. cit., page 75, for Otto and his imperial affectations.
20. Cantor, Op. cit., page 218.
21. Ibid., page 244.
22. Colish, Op. cit., page 227.
23. Cantor, Op. cit., page 341.
24. Colish, Op. cit., page 228.
25. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1976, pages 147–148.
26. Levine, Op. cit., page 74.
27. Colish, Op. cit., page 235. See also Moynahan, Op. cit., page 272.
28. Colish, Op. cit., page 237.
29. Cantor, Op. cit., page 249.
30. Colish, Op. cit., page 245.
31. Canning, Op. cit., page 85.
32. Cantor, Op. cit., pages 254–255.
33. Ibid., page 258. See also: Canning, Op. cit., page 88.
34. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 218. See Canning, Op. cit., pages 98ff, for the debate sparked by Gregory. See also: Cantor, Op. cit., page 262.
35. Cantor, Op. cit., page 267.
36. Ibid., page 268.
37. Elisabeth Vodola, Excommunication in the Middle Ages, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986, pages 2–3.
38. Ibid., page 4.
39. Ibid., page 10.
40. In the early Middle Ages monarchs usually lent their weight to church decisions, so that excommunicants lost their civil rights too. This derived from the Roman concept of infamia, which disqualified immoral persons and criminals from voting.
41. Also, people who didn’t know that an excommunicant was an excommunicant were also judged not to be contaminated. Vodola, Op. cit., page 25.
42. Ibid., page 29.
43. Ibid., page 32. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 87.
44. Vodola, Op. cit., page 52.
45. Cantor, Op. cit., page 271.
46. Ibid., page 290. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 186–187 for Christian losses.
47. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 190ff.
48. Cantor, Op. cit., pages 292–293.
49. Moynahan, Op. cit., page 222, lists five accounts of Urban’s historic speech which, he says, ‘are substantially different’.
50. The First Crusade was fortunate in its timing. Emotions among Christians still ran high. The millennium–AD 1000, as it then was–was not long over, and the millennium of the Passion, 1033, closer still. In addition, because of a temporary disunity among the Arabs, which weakened their ability to resist the five thousand or so who comprised the Christian forces, the crusaders reached Jerusalem relatively intact and, after a siege lasting well over a month, took it. In the process they massacred all Muslim and Jewish residents, the latter being burned in their chief synagogue. 51. Steven Runciman, The First Crusade, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press/Canto, 1951/1980, page 22.
52. The veneration of saints and relics offered an incentive for large numbers of the pious to make pilgrimages, not just to the three major sites–Jerusalem, Rome and Santiago de Compostela–but to many other shrines associated with miracles or relics. David Levine speaks of an ‘economic geography of holiness [that] sprouted in rural Europe’. Areas of France were criss-crossed with pilgrimage routes–for example, the chemin de Paris and the chemin de Vézelay, which funnelled the faithful from the north to Spain, where they met up with others who had travelled along the chemin d’Arles. Levine, Op. cit., page 87. The basic view was that as given by Henry of Ghent (c. 1217–1293), the influential Parisian scholastic and metaphysician, who argued that saints and certain visionaries have access to God’s mind and therefore have ‘full and infallible certitude’ in their knowledge. Colish, Op. cit., page 305. Patrick Geary, professor of history at the University of Florida, studied more than one hundred medieval accounts of the thefts of saints’ relics, and found that these were often carried out not by vagabonds but by monks, who transferred the relics to their home towns or monasteries. As the pilgrimage routes showed, relics stimulated a constant demand for hospitality–food and lodging. In other words, relics were a source of economic support. But the cult of the saints may also be seen as a return to a form of polytheism: the saints’ disparate characters allowed the faithful to relate to figures they found sympathetic–humans rather than gods–who had done something extraordinary. Geary shows that the cult of saints was so strong that in Italy at least there were also professional relic thieves, operating a lively trade to points north. Patrick J. Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1978/1990.
53. Cantor, Op. cit., page 388, and Moynahan, Op. cit., page 279. See also: Peter Biller and Anne Hudson (editors), Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1530, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1994, page 94.
54. Bernard McGinn, AntiChrist, New York: Columbia University Press, 1994, page 6.
55. Ibid., pages 100–113; see also Moynahan, Op. cit., page 215.
56. McGinn, Op. cit., page 138.
57. Ibid., pages 136–137.
58. Colish, Op. cit., page 249.
59. Cantor, Op. cit., page 389.
60. Biller and Hudson (editors), Op. cit., pages 38–39. Colish, Op. cit., page 251. See Moynahan, Op. cit., page 280–281, for an account of the Bogomils.
61. Cantor, Op. cit., page 390.
62. Colish, Op. cit., page 251.
63. Edward Grant, God and Reason in the Middle Ages, Op. cit., page 24.
64. Cantor, Op. cit., page 417. Canning, Op. cit., page 121, agrees that Innocent’s reign was the crux of the medieval papacy.
65. Cantor, Op. cit., pages 389–393.
66. Edward Burman, The Inquisition: Hammer of Heresy, Wellingborough, Northamptonshire: Aquarian Press, 1984, page 16.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid., page 23.
69. Ibid., See Stephen Haliczer (editor), Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe, London and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1987, page 10, for more statistics.
70. Burman, Op. cit., page 23.
71. Ibid., page 25.
72. James B. Given, Inquisition and Medieval Society, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1997, page 11. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 281.
73. Burman, Op. cit., page 33 and Given, Op. cit., page 14, for the early organisation of the inquisition.
74. Burman, Op. cit., page 41. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 41.
75. Burman, Op. cit., page 57.
76. Ibid., pages 60–61. On another occasion, he had eighty men, women and children burned in Strasbourg. See: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 286.
77. In the wheel the prisoner was tied to a cartwheel and beaten. The rack, as is well known, stretched the body to breaking point, a bit like the strappado.
78. Jews offered a different but allied problem. There was a large and prosperous Jewish community in the south of France–Cathar territory–and, as we have seen, there may well have been Jewish ideas mixed up in the genealogy of Catharism. So although Innocent forbade attempts to convert Jews by force, he did advocate ghettoisation–physical separation–which not only limited contact but implied that they were social pariahs. It was at the Fourth Lateran Council, held towards the end of Innocent’s papacy in 1215, that it was decreed the Jews should wear a yellow patch ‘so they could be easily distinguished as outcasts’. See: Cantor, Op. cit., page 426.
79. William Chester Jordan, Europe in the High Middle Ages, London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, 2001, page 9; and Cantor, Op. cit., pages 418–419. See also as a general reference: Jacques le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, translated by Arthur Goldhammer, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985, especially part 2, section 2, ‘The perception of Christendom by the Roman Curia’ and ‘The organisation of
an ecumenical council in 1274’.
80. Knowles and Obolensky, Op. cit., page 290.
81. Cantor, Op. cit., page 491.
82. Canning, Op. cit., pages 137–148.
83. Cantor, Op. cit., page 493.
84. Ibid., page 495. See also: Canning, Op. cit., pages 139–140.
85. Cantor, Op. cit., page 496.
86. Moynahan, Op. cit., pages 298ff.
CHAPTER 17: THE SPREAD OF LEARNING AND THE RISE OF ACCURACY
1. Georges Duby, The Age of the Cathedrals, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981, pages 97ff.
2. Ibid., page 98.
3. Ibid.
4. Anders Piltz, The Medieval World of Learning, Oxford: Blackwell, 1981, page 26. See also: Moynahan, Op. cit., page 269, and Le Goff, Op. cit., page 54.
5. Duby, Op. cit., page 100.
6. Ibid., page 101.
7. Ibid., page 111.
8. R. W. S. Southern, ‘The schools of Paris and the schools of Chartres’, in Benson and Constable (editors), Op. cit., page 114.
9. Ibid., page 115.
10. Ibid., pages 124–128.
11. Ibid., page 129.
12. Chester Jordan, Op. cit., page 116. R. W. S. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, The Penguin History of the Church, London: Penguin Books, 1970/1990, page 94. See also: Le Goff, Op. cit., page 179, for the concept of civitas in the Middle Ages.
13. Rubenstein, Aristotle’s Children, Op. cit., page 127. See also: Chester Jordan, Op. cit., page 113, and Duby, Op. cit., page 115.
14. Duby, Op. cit., page 115.
15. Ibid., page 116.
16. Alan Cobban, The Medieval Universities, London: Methuen, 1975, page 8.
17. Ibid., page 9.
18. Ibid., page 10.
19. Ibid., page 11.
20. Piltz, Op. cit., page 18.
21. Cobban, Op. cit., page 12.
22. Ibid., page 14.
23. Rubenstein, Op. cit., page 104.
24. Cobban, Op. cit., page 18. Alexander also studied at Montpellier. See: Nathan Schachner, The Medieval Universities, London: Allen & Unwin, 1938, page 263.
25. Ibid., page 15. See Schachner, Op. cit., pages 132–133, for the prosperity of medieval doctors.
26. Rubenstein, Op. cit., page 17.
27. Ibid., page 162.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid., page 186.
30. Ibid., page 187.
31. Ibid., page 42.
32. Ibid., page 210.
33. Ibid., page 197.
34. Ibid., page 198.
35. Ibid., page 220.
36. Ibid., page 221.
37. Cobban, Op. cit., page 22.
38. Ibid., page 23. See also: Schachner, Op. cit., page 62, for the dress requirements.
39. Cobban, Op. cit., pages 23–24.
40. Ibid., page 24.
41. Ibid., page 25.
42. Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (new edition in three volumes), edited by F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, Oxford: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press, 1936, volume II, page 22.
43. Ibid., pages 24ff.
44. Cobban, Op. cit., page 31.
45. Ibid., page 37. See Schachner, Op. cit., page 51, for the lame and blind.
46. Chester Jordan, Op. cit., page 125. Cobban, Op. cit., page 41.
47. Olaf Pederson, The First Universities, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1997, pages 122ff.
48. Cobban, Op. cit., page 44.
49. Ibid., page 45.
50. Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (editor), A History of the Universities in Europe, volume 1, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1992, pages 43ff.
51. Cobban, Op. cit., page 49–50.
52. Chester Jordan, Op. cit., page 127. Cobban, Op. cit., page 50. Schachner, Op. cit., page 151, says that there is some doubt that Irnerius ever existed.
53. Cobban, Op. cit., page 51.
54. Ibid., page 52.
55. Ibid., page 53.
56. Rashdall, Op. cit., page 23.
57. Cobban, Op. cit., page 54. See Schachner, Op. cit., page 153, for the ages and economic status of Bologna students.
58. Cobban, Op. cit., page 55.
59. Carlo Malagola, ‘Statuti dell’ università e dei collegii dello studio Bolognese’, 1888. In: Lynn Thorndike (editor), University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, New York: Octagon, 1971, pages 273ff
60. Cobban, Op. cit., page 58.
61. Ibid., page 62.
62. Ridder-Symoens (editor), Op. cit., pages 148ff.
63. Ibid., page 157. See also: Schachner, Op. cit., page 160f.
64. Cobban, Op. cit., page 65.
65. Ibid., pages 66–67.
66. See Thorndike (editor), Op. cit., page 27, for the rules of Paris University and page 35 for papal regulations.
67. Cobban, Op. cit., page 77.
68. Ibid., pages 82–83. And see Schachner, Op. cit., pages 74ff, for the concept of the ‘nations’.
69. Cobban, Op. cit., page 79.
70. Ibid., page 96.
71. See Ridder-Symoens (editor), Op. cit., page 342, for the introduction of learning into Britain via Northampton, Glasgow and London.
72. Cobban, Op. cit., page 98.
73. Ibid., page 100.
74. Thorndike (editor), Op. cit., pages 7–19.
75. Cobban, Op. cit., page 101.
76. Pederson, Op. cit., page 225, describes early life in Oxford.
77. Cobban, Op. cit., page 107.
78. Schachner, Op. cit., pages 237–239. See also: Rubenstein, Op. cit., page 173.
79. Cobban, Op. cit., page 108.
80. Chester Jordan, Op. cit., page 119, Cobban, Op. cit., page 116.
81. Cobban, Op. cit., page 116. Colleges were especially a feature of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge. These were usually legal bodies, self-governing, and generously endowed. Often, they were charitable and pious foundations. Colleges were also established to reflect the idea that student poverty should not be a barrier to academic progress. This was true most of all of Paris, the origin of the collegiate idea in the sense that colleges existed there first. ‘The earliest European college about which there is information,’ says Alan Cobban, ‘is the Collège des Dix-Huit which had its beginnings in Paris in 1180, when a certain Jocius de Londoniis bought the room he had in the Hospital of the Blessed Mary of Paris and endowed it for the perpetual use of eighteen poor clerks.’ The idea was soon followed but it was the foundation of the College of the Sorbonne, begun c. 1257 by Robert de Sorbon, chaplain to Louis IX, which really created the system familiar today. This college was intended for graduates, for established scholars who had already gained an MA, and were about to embark on the doctorate in theology. Some nineteen colleges were established in Paris by 1300, and at least three dozen by the end of the fourteenth century, ‘which was the century par excellence of collegiate expansion in western Europe’. Another eleven were founded in the fifteenth century, making sixty-six in all. The Paris colleges were suppressed in 1789 at the French Revolution, and the university was never allowed to revert to collegiate lines. English colleges originated later than in Paris and were always intended for graduate use–undergraduates were a later innovation. Originally housed in taverns, or hostels, Merton College was first, in 1264, followed by University College c. 1280, and by Balliol in 1282. At Cambridge, Peterhouse was established in 1284. By 1300, Cambridge had eight colleges, housing 137 fellows. At Oxford, King’s Hall was the first to admit undergraduates, in the early part of the fourteenth century. The graduate colleges were gradually transformed into undergraduate ones, largely for economic reasons–tutorial fees. This process was completed, for the most part, by the Reformation. It was the (undergraduate) colleges which introduced the tutorial system of instruction, as the public lecture system was falling into disarray. Cobban, Op. cit., pages 123–141, passim.