On the morning of June 28th, before daybreak, General von Knyphausen led approximately half of the 10,000 strong British army out of Monmouth. General Clinton and the remainder of the army left four hours later except for a rear guard of approximately 1,500 troops who remained in Monmouth to protect the baggage train. The von Knyphausen Regiment was not part of the rearguard and my placement of Christoph’s company in this protective role is fictitious. (Savas, Theodore P., and Dameron, J. David, A Guide to the Battles of the American Revolution, pp. 171-172; Chernow, pp. 340-341.)
Washington had given General Lee orders to vigorously pursue and attack the rearguard separating that part of their army from the rest of General Clinton’s men. Washington and the main bulk of the Americans would follow. Lee failed to make a coordinated attack. The British, under General Cornwallis, turned the tables and a strong British infantry force and the 16th Light Dragoons just north of Monmouth Courthouse turned to meet Lee’s forces and crush them before the main body of the American army could arrive. The Americans broke before this assault and fled in disarray, hotly pursued by the British infantry and Dragoons. (Savas and Dameron, p. 174.)
2) This description is based on an account by Private Joseph Martin as the troops marched through Princeton.
“Some of the patriotic inhabitants of the town had brought out
to the end of the street we passed through some casks of ready-made
toddy. It was dealt out to the men as they passed by, which caused
the detachment to move slowly at this place. The young ladies of the
town, and perhaps of the vicinity, had collected and were sitting in the
stoops and at the windows to see the noble exhibition of a thousand
half-starved and three-quarters naked soldiers pass in review before
them. I chanced to be on the wing of a platoon next to the houses. . .
and had a good chance to notice the ladies, and I declare that I never
before nor since saw more beauty, considering the numbers, than I saw
at that time. They were all beautiful. New Jersey and Pennsylvania
ladies are, in my opinion, collectively handsome, the most so of any in
the United States. But I hope our Yankee ladies will not be jealous at
hearing this.” (Martin, p. 123.)
3) Historians agree that when Washington arrived and saw the Americans fleeing he was furious and confronted General Lee, who was trailed by his dogs he had brought with him. Chernow has Washington demanding, “What is the meaning of this, sir? I desire to know the meaning of this disorder and confusion.” Lee, taken aback by Washington’s wrath spluttered, “Sir? Sir?” and then responded, “The American troops would not stand the British bayonets.” Washington, who normally did not use profane language then called Lee, “You damned poltroon, you never tried them,” and then cursed Lee out “until the leaves shook on the trees.” (Chernow, p. 342.)
Fleming relates the confrontation with Lee in much the same way, with Lee first blaming Generals Scott and Wayne and then complaining that he had found himself on “’the most extensive plain in America’ where British cavalry could have annihilated his troops.” Lee than added, “Besides, the whole thing [meaning the plan to attack the British rearguard] was against my opinion” [in the war council Washington had held the day before]. Washington’s response was “All this may be true, sir but you ought not to have undertaken it unless you intended to go through with it.” (Fleming, p. 317.)
I leave it to Private Martin to have the last word. His company was sitting by the roadside when Washington and his aides rode by. Washington asked Martin’s officers “’by whose orders the troops were retreating’ and being answered by General Lee’s, he said something but as he was moving forward all the time this was passing, he was too far off for me to hear it distinctly. Those that were nearer to him said his words were ‘d___n him.’ Whether he did thus express himself or not I do not know. It was certainly very unlike him; but he seemed at the instant to be in a great passion. . .” (Martin, p. 127)
Washington then observed the lay of the land and gave orders to establish defensive lines. I have placed Private Gillet and his Rhode Island Regiment first alongside the road to observe the confrontation of Washington and Lee, next in a defensive line to hold the advancing British at bay until more of the American army arrived, and then to Comb’s Hill, overlooking the left flank of the British lines.
4) According to an exhaustive history of Rhode Island’s Black Regiment, Colonel Angell’s Second Regiment was under strength before the battle with only 349 officers and men. The detachment of fifty-seven officers (white) and men (black) from the First R.I. Regiment, the “Black Regiment,” increased the number of officers and men to 406. (Popek, p. 206.)
5) I have placed Colonel Daniel Morgan’s Rifle Corps on the Americans’ left, commanded by General (Lord Stirling) Alexander. In the middle of the oppressively hot afternoon, the British light infantry and the 42nd (“Black Watch”) Regiment of Foot attacked the Americans. They were driven back by the “steadfastness of the newly trained American riflemen [who] blunted the assaults of some of the world’s finest infantry.” (Savas and Dameron, p. 176.)
6) The parsonage referred to was the Old Scots Church later called the Old Tennent Church in memory of Pastors John and William Tennent. It was a Presbyterian Church just off the Englishtown Road and behind the Americans’ main lines. Wounded soldiers were said to have been treated there.(Gilman, Malcolm B, Col. M.D., Monmouth Road to Glory, p. 46.)
7) The artillery duel was most intense during the broiling midafternoon heat. It occurred at the center where General Anthony Wayne had positioned his brigade slightly in advance of the American line. (Savas and Dameron, p. 176)
8) Gilman is the only historian I have read to mention the artillery used nails against the British. He writes: “As the afternoon wore on, Knox’s artillerymen found two kegs of hand-cut nails in a red barn nearby, back of the parsonage. They charged the guns to the muzzle with nails and created panic among the British troops.” (Gilman, pp. 33-34.) Truth or fiction, it adds to the horror of the carnage inflicted on soldiers whether by cannon balls, grapeshot or nails.
9) The Battle of Monmouth Courthouse was the last major battle fought in the Northern colonies. It was also the longest battle of the war and the largest artillery duel. Washington congratulated the army for “the victory obtained over the arms of his Britannic Majesty yesterday and thanks most sincerely the gallant officers and men who distinguished themselves upon the occasion.” (Chernow, p. 344.)
General Knox wrote Lucy on June 29th:
“I have had several officers killed and wounded. My brave lads behaved with their usual intrepidity, and the army gave the corps of artillery their full proportion of the glory of the day.
Indeed upon the whole, it is very splendid. The capital army of Britain defeated and obliged to retreat before the Americans, whom they despised so much! I cannot ascertain either our or the enemy’s losses, but I really think they have lost three times the number we have. . . . The Britons confess they have never received so severe a check.” (Drake, pp. 57-58.)
Chernow puts American casualties at 362 killed, wounded or missing with the British suffering losses of between 380 to 500. (Chernow, p. 344.) Savas and Dameron state that the Americans suffered 72 killed, 161 wounded and 137 missing, including 37 dying from heat stroke. However, they note that many authorities believe the British casualties were higher - 1,200 total with 400 German deserters who surrendered in Philadelphia one week later. (Savas and Dameron, p. 177.)
General Charles Lee’s conduct at the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse led to his court-martial and the end of his military career. He was charged with: 1) disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on June 28th; 2) misbehavior before the enemy by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat, and 3) disrespect to the Commander-in-Chief by sending him two insulting letters. On August 11, 1778, he was fou
nd guilty of all three charges, although the Court modified the second charge to having made an unnecessary but not shameful retreat, and disorderly only in a few instances. He was sentenced to be suspended from the army for a year. (Fleming, pp. 329-330; Savas and Dameron, p. 177.)
Most historians cite Lee’s lack of planning with his subordinate officers, failure to ascertain the terrain and a breakdown in command of the different segments under his control for the retreat from the battlefield. A contrary view is offered by Mark Edward Lender and Garry Wheeler Stone in Fatal Sunday - George Washington, the Monmouth Campaign and the Politics of Battle. The authors argue Charles Lee had a difficult assignment. “He had to lead a vanguard of some 3,500 to 4,000 men of mixed commands, led by officers he didn’t know, into terrain he didn’t know, against an enemy whose strength and intentions were unknown. He had to do this in the face of conflicting intelligence reports and without adequate cavalry or other scouting capabilities.
Nevertheless Lee executed a nearly perfect movement to contact, quickly assessed the enemy situation, and formulated a reasonable plan to cut off what he thought was a relatively small British rear guard. It would have been exactly the limited blow and victory [George] Washington had in mind. When faced with an overwhelming British counter-attack, and an unauthorized retreat by a sizable part of his command, Lee pulled back in fairly good order, looking for a place to make a stand until Washington brought up the main army.” Their conclusion is that all in all, Lee fought a good battle at Monmouth.
The Battle of Monmouth Courthouse also gave rise to the legend of Molly Pitcher. The wife of one of the soldiers or gunners, most probably Mary Ludwig Hays (or Hayes) carried water either for the thirsty soldiers or for swabbing a cannon. “Molly” was an affectionate name used by soldiers for women and calling “Molly! Pitcher!” may have been a cry for water. Private Martin wrote he witnessed a woman manning a gun along with her husband, and nonchalantly continuing to do so, after a British cannon ball passed between her legs taking away the lower part of her petticoat. (Allen, p. 53; Savas and Dameron, pp. 177-178; Fleming, p. 321; Martin, pp. 132-133.) Gilman states she was received that evening by Washington himself and made an honorary Sergeant the following day. (Gilman, p. 35.) The Blog, Boston 1775 traces the evolution of the story with some versions having Washington himself giving her the rank of Lieutenant. (Boston 1775, August 27, 2016.) The same Blog also reports a Mary “Moll” Pitcher of Lynn, Massachusetts who was a fortune teller and rumored to be a “witch,” although she was never accused and tried as such. (Boston, 1775, August 31, September 1, 2016.) Obviously, the “Molly Pitcher” of Lynn was not the same woman who participated in the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse. For an account of the evolution of the legend of Molly Pitcher, see “Molly Pitcher and Captain Molly,” by Ray Raphael, Journal of the American Revolution, Volume 1, pp. 138-140.)
Chapter 10 – In Liberated Philadelphia 1) The last British troops left Philadelphia on June 18th. American light horse cavalry arrived in Philadelphia on June 19th, followed by a regiment of infantry. The Battle of Monmouth Courthouse, described in Chapter 9 took place on June 28th. Elisabeth’s attendance for tea at the Shippens occurs a few days before the battle. I have chosen to describe the battle in the preceding Chapter for purposes of momentum and action.
2) Washington gave Arnold direct orders to provide “’security to individuals of every class and description’ regardless of loyalties.” Arnold intended to do this by using martial law. Washington also gave Arnold the order to “prevent the removal, transfer or sale of any goods, wares or merchandize, in possession of the inhabitants of the city. (Wells, Cody, “Philadelphia and the Fate of General Benedict Arnold,” Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History, 4, no. 2 (Nov. 2014.) It was Washington’s intention to prevent Loyalists or smugglers from moving supplies to New York City, critical for the newly arrived troops and hordes of displaced Loyalists from Philadelphia.
3) The comment about the drabness of the patriotic Whig ladies is attributable to Peggy Shippen’s friend, Becky Franks, who referred to their “drab homespun dresses, crudely nailed leather shoes, and dull entertainments.” (Stuart, p. 44.)
Rebecca (Becky) Franks was the daughter of a wealthy Jewish merchant, David Franks, and Margaret Evans who was Episcopalian. Her parents were Loyalists and entertained British officers at their home in Philadelphia. Rebecca herself was part of Peggy Shippen’s group of friends and attended many of the dinners, balls, concerts and plays to which the young ladies were invited by British officers. (North, Wedge and Freeman, pp. 119-120.)
4) Major John Andre was not only an artist and produced silhouettes, he actually wrote Peggy Chew a farewell poem: If at the close of war and strife
My destiny once more
Should in the varied paths of life Conduct me to this shore:
Should British banners guard the land And factions be restrained;
And Cliveden’s mansion peaceful stand No more with blood be stained— Say! Wilt thou receive again
And welcome to thy sight,
The youth who bids with stifled pain His sad farewell tonight?
(Fleming, p. 332.)
5) On July 21st, three days after the American troops came to Philadelphia, Grace Galloway was visited by five authorized agents of the new administration. They “took an inventory of everything even to broken China & empty bottles. . . they told Me they must advertise the house I told them they must do as they pleased but till it was decided by a Court, I wou’d not go out Unless by the force of a bayonet but when I knew who had a right to it I should know how to act. . .” (North, Wedge and Freeman, p. 124.)
Grace Galloway was forcibly evicted from her home on August 20th, and never regained her inheritance. She was helped by Quakers but to no avail. Her property was sold at auction and she died “three years later, impoverished, bitter and lonely.” (North, Wedge and Freeman, p. 126.)
6) Betsy Franks referred to the convention of the times relating to a young lady’s obligation at balls:
“No loss for partners, even I am engaged to seven different gentlemen for you must know ‘tis a fix’d rule never to dance but two dances at a time with the same person.” (North, Wedge and Freeman, p. 120.)
7) Unlike other military men of prominence, Knox maintained a high moral standard when it came to refraining from profiting from his position. In a letter to his brother, after explaining he had visited Philadelphia to better regulate the ordinance department, he commented:
“Besides the satisfaction of having the business of the public done better, the only advantage that will result to me will be some pay expressing for the management of the ordnance department in the field. I undoubtedly might have first stipulated for some pecuniary advantages for myself; but I know not how it is, I do not approve of money obtained in the public service; it does not appear to me, in a war like ours, to be right, and I cannot bring myself to think differently, although poverty may be the consequence.” (Drake, p. 60.)
8) General Knox’s comments are taken directly from his letter to his brother from Camp Brunswick, dated July 8, 1778. His exact words are:
“The effects of the Battle of Monmouth will be great and lasting. It will convince the enemy and the world that nothing but a good constitution is wanting to render our army equal to any in the world.” (Drake, p. 59.)
Part Three- A Deadly Game of Cat and Mouse
Chapter 11 – Providence and Privateering 1) George Washington observed, “It is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contemplate that, after two years Manoeuvring . . . both Armies are brought back to the very point they set out from.” (Martin, p. 134)
Private Martin recounted the march from King’s Ferry to Tarrytown and down to White Plains. Then, he and others who had been in the Battle of White Plains in 1776 visited the battlefield.
“We saw a number of the graves of those who fell in that battle. Some of the bodies had ben so slightly buried that the dogs or hogs, or both, had dug them out of the g
round. The skulls and other bones and hair were scattered about the place. Here were Hessian skulls as thick as a bombshell. Poor fellows! They were left unburied in a foreign land. . . . But they should have kept at home; we should then never had gone after them to kill them in their own country. But the reader will say, they were forced to come and be killed here, forced by their rulers who have absolute power of life and death over their subjects. Well then, reader, bless a kind Providence that has made such a distinction between your condition and theirs. And be careful, too, that you do not allow yourself ever to be brought to such an abject, servile and debased condition.” (Martin, pp. 134-135.)
2) General Varnum’s Brigade, which included the 2nd Rhode Island Regiment, left White Plains around July 22nd and arrived between July 31 and August 2nd. (Popek, p. 212.) The plan was, together with the newly arrived French fleet and 4,000 French soldiers, to besiege the British in Newport. The neighboring states of Massachusetts and Connecticut sent infantry regiments for six weeks service. (Popek, p. 212.) There is no evidence that the Rhode Island troops paraded through Providence and were given home leave prior to taking up siege positions on Aquidneck Island.
3) It was the French navy commanders who persuaded Count d’Estaing to withdraw to Boston for refitting following damage from the storm and the encounter with the British Navy. D’Estaing’s own flagship lost all three masts and was heavily damaged. Lafayette argued, to no avail, for the French to remain and coordinate the planned attack against the British in Newport. Once the French ships with the troops aboard left, many of the New England Militias deserted General Sullivan’s army and went home. (Popek, p. 223.) So many of the milita left, Sullivan’s army was reduced by almost half. (Savas and Dameron, p. 185.)
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