If the fervor of the Sunne, or intemperate heat of clime did solely occasion this complexion, surely a migration or change thereof might cause a sensible, if not a totall mutation; which notwithstanding experience will not admit. For Negroes transplanted although into cold and flegmatick habitations, continue their hue both in themselves, and also their generations; except they mix with different complexions; whereby notwithstanding there only succeeds a remission of their tinctures; there remaining unto many descents a full shadow of their originals; and if they preserve their copulations entire they still maintain their complexions; as is very remarkable in the dominions of the Grand Signior,3 and most observable in the Moores in Brasilia, which transplanted about an hundred years past, continue the tinctures of their fathers unto this day. And so likewise fair or white people translated into hotter Countries receive not impressions amounting to this complexion, as hath been observed in many Europeans who have lived in the land of Negroes: and as Edvardus Lopes testifieth of the Spanish plantations, that they retained their native complexions unto his daies….
Thus having evinced, at least made dubious, the Sunne is not the Authour of this blacknesse; how, and when this tincture first began is yet a riddle, and positively to determine it surpasseth my presumption…. However therefore this complexion was first acquired, it is evidently maintained by generation, and by the tincture of the skin as a spermaticall part traduced from father unto son: so that they which are strangers contract it not, and the Natives which transmigrate omit it not without commixture, and that after divers generations. And this affection (if the story were true) might wonderfully be confirmed, by what Maginus and others relate of the Emperour of Æthiopia, or Prester John, who derived from Solomon is not yet descended into the hue of his Countrey, but remains a Mulatto, that is, of a Mongrill complexion unto this day. Now although we conceive this blacknesse to be seminall, yet are we not of Herodotus conceit, that their seed is black. An opinion long ago rejected by Aristotle, and since by sence and enquiry. His assertion against the Historian was probable, that all seed was white; that is without great controversie in viviparous Animals, and such as have Testicles, or preparing vessels wherein it receives a manifest dealbation.4 And not only in them, but (for ought I know) in Fishes, not abating the seed of Plants; whereof though the skin and covering be black, yet is the seed and fructifying part not so: as may be observed in the seeds of Onyons, Pyonie, and Basill. Most controvertible it seems in the spawn of Frogs, and Lobsters, whereof notwithstanding at the very first the spawn is white, contracting by degrees a blacknesse, answerable in the one unto the colour of the shell, in the other unto the Porwigle or Tadpole; that is, that Animall which first proceedeth from it. And thus may it also be in the generation and sperm of Negroes; that being first and in its naturals white, but upon separation of parts, accidents before invisible become apparent; there arising a shadow or dark efflorescence in the outside; whereby not only their legitimate and timely births, but their abortions are also duskie, before they have felt the scorch and fervor of the Sunne.
CHAP.XI. Of the same
A second opinion there is, that this complexion was first a curse of God derived unto them from Cham, upon whom it was inflicted for discovering the nakednesse of Noah.5 Which notwithstanding is sooner affirmed then proved, and carrieth with it sundry improbabilities. For first, if we derive the curse on Cham, or in generall upon his posterity, we shall Benegroe a greater part of the earth then ever was so conceived; and not only paint the Æthiopians, and reputed sonnes of Cush, but the people also of Ægypt, Arabia, Assyria, and Chaldea; for by his race were these Countries also peopled. And if concordantly unto Berosus, the fragment of Cato de Originibus, some things of Halicarnasseus, Macrobius, and out of them of Leandro and Annius, we shall conceive of the travels of Camese or Cham; we may introduce a generation of Negroes as high as Italy; which part was never culpable of deformity, but hath produced the magnified examples of beauty….
Lastly, Whereas men affirm this colour was a Curse, I cannot make out the propriety of that name, it neither seeming so to them, nor reasonably unto us; for they take so much content therein, that they esteem deformity by other colours, describing the Devil, and terrible objects, White. And if we seriously con-suit the definitions of beauty, and exactly perpend what wise men determine thereof, we shall not apprehend a curse, or any deformity therein. For first, some place the essence thereof in the proportion of parts; conceiving it to consist in a comely commensurability of the whole unto the parts, and the parts between themselves; which is the determination of the best and learned Writers. Now hereby the Moors are not excluded from beauty; there being in this description no consideration of colours, but an apt connexion and frame of parts and the whole. Others there be, and those most in number, which place it not only in proportion of parts, but also in grace of colour. But to make Colour essentiall unto Beauty, there will arise no slender difficulty; For Aristotle in two definitions of pulchritude, and Galen in one, have made no mention of colour. Neither will it agree unto the Beauty of Animals; wherein notwithstanding there is an approved pulchritude. Thus horses are handsome under any colour, and the symmetry of parts obscures the consideration of complexions. Thus in concolour animals and such as are confined unto one colour, we measure not their Beauty thereby; for if a Crow or Black-bird grow white, we generally account it more pretty; And even in monstrosity descend not to opinion of deformity. By this way likewise the Moores escape the curse of deformity; there concurring no stationary colour, and sometimes not any unto Beauty.
The Platonick contemplators reject both these descriptions founded upon parts and colours, or either; as M. Leo the Jew hath excellently discoursed in his Genealogy of Love: defining Beauty a formall grace, which delights and moves them to love which comprehend it. This grace say they, discoverable outwardly, is the resplendor and Raye of some interiour and invisible Beauty, and proceedeth from the forms of compositions amiable. Whose faculties if they can aptly contrive their matter, they beget in the subject an agreeable and pleasing beauty; if over-ruled thereby, they evidence not their perfections, but runne into deformity. For seeing that out of the same materials, Thersites and Paris, Beauty and monstrosity6 may be contrived; the forms and operative faculties introduce and determine their perfections. Which in naturall bodies receive exactnesse in every kinde, according to the first Idea of the Creator,7 and in contrived bodies the phancy of the Artificer. And by this consideration of Beauty, the Moores also are not excluded, but hold a common share therein with all mankinde.
Lastly, in whatsoever its Theory consisteth, or if in the generall, we allow the common conceit of symmetry and of colour, yet to descend unto singularities, or determine in what symmetry or colour it consisted, were a slippery designation. For Beauty is determined by opinion, and seems to have no essence that holds one notion with all; that seeming beauteous unto one, which hath no favour with another; and that unto every one, according as custome hath made it naturall, or sympathy and conformity of mindes shall make it seem agreeable. Thus flat noses seem comely unto the Moore, an Aquiline or hawked one unto the Persian, a large and prominent nose unto the Romane; but none of all these are acceptable in our opinion. Thus some think it most ornamentall to wear their Bracelets on their Wrests, others say it is better to have them about their Ancles; some think it most comely to wear their Rings and Jewels in the Ear, others will have them about their Privities; a third will not think they are compleat except they hang them in their lips, cheeks or noses. Thus Homer to set off Minerva calleth her γλαυκώπις, that is, gray or light-blue eyed: now this unto us seems farre lesse amiable then the black. Thus we that are of contrary complexions accuse the blacknesse of the Mores as ugly: But the Spouse in the Canticles excuseth this conceit, in that description of hers, I am black, but comely.8 And howsoever Cerberus, and the furies of hell be described by the Poets under this complexion, yet in the beauty of our Saviour blacknesse is commended, when it is said, his locks are bushie and
black as a Raven.9 So that to inferre this as a curse, or to reason it as a deformity, is no way reasonable; the two foundations of beauty, Symmetry and complexion, receiving such various apprehensions; that no deviation will be expounded so high as a curse or undeniable deformity, without a manifest and confessed degree of monstrosity.
Lastly, It is a very injurious method unto Philosophy, and a perpetuall promotion of ignorance, in points of obscurity, nor open unto easie considerations, to fall upon a present refuge unto Miracles; or recurre unto immediate contrivance from the insearchable hands of God. Thus in the conceit of the evil odor of the Jews,10 Christians without a farther research into the verity of the thing, or enquiry into the cause, draw up a judgement upon them from the passion of their Saviour. Thus in the wondrous effects of the clime of Ireland, and the freedom from all venemous creatures, the credulity of common conceit imputes this immunity unto the benediction of St Patrick, as Beda and Gyraldus have left recorded. Thus the Asse having a peculiar mark of a crosse made by a black list down his back, and another athwart, or at right angles down his shoulders; common opinion ascribes this figure unto a peculiar signation; since that beast had the honour to bear our Saviour on his back. Certainly this is a course more desperate then Antipathies, Sympathies or occult qualities; wherein by a finall and satisfactive discernment of faith, we lay the last and particular effects upon the first and generall cause of all things; whereas in the other, we doe but palliate our determinations; untill our advanced endeavours doe totally reject, or partially salve their evasions.
CHAP.XII. A digression concerning Blacknesse
CHAP.XIII. Of Gypsies
CHAP.XIV. Of some others
THE SEVENTH BOOK:
CONCERNING MANY HISTORICALL TENENTS GENERALLY RECEIVED, AND SOME DEDUCED FROM THE HISTORY OF HOLY SCRIPTURE
CHAP.I. Of the Forbidden Fruit
CHAP.II. That a Man hath one Rib lesse then a Woman
That a Man hath one Rib lesse then a Woman, is a common conceit derived from the history of Genesis, wherein it stands delivered, that Eve was framed out of a Rib of Adam; whence ’tis concluded the sex of man still wants that rib our Father lost in Eve. And this is not only passant with the many, but was urged against Columbus in an Anatomy of his at Pisa; where having prepared the Sceleton of a Woman that chanced to have thirteen ribs on one side, there arose a party that cried him down, and even unto oathes affirmed, this was the rib wherein a woman exceeded. Were this true, it would autoptically1 silence that dispute out of which side Eve was framed; it would determine the opinion of Oleaster, that she was made out of the ribs of both sides; or such as from the expression of the Text maintain there was a plurality required, and might indeed decry the parabolicall2 exposition of Origen, Cajetan, and such as fearing to concede a monstrosity, or mutilate the integrity of Adam; preventively conceive the creation of thirteen ribs.
But this will not consist with reason or inspection. For if we survey the Sceleton of both sexes, and therein the compage3 of bones, we shall readily discover that men and women have four and twenty ribs; that is, twelve on each side; seven greater annexed unto the Sternon, and five lesser which come short thereof; wherein if it sometimes happen that either sex exceed, the conformation is irregular, deflecting from the common rate or number, and no more inferrible upon mankinde, then the monstrosity of the son of Rapha, or the vitious excesse in the number of fingers and toes. And although some difference there be in figure, and the female os inominatum4 be somewhat more protuberant, to make a fairer cavity for the Infant; the coccyx sometime more reflected to give the easier delivery, and the ribs themselves seem a little flatter, yet are they equall in number. And therefore while Aristotle doubteth the relations made of Nations, which had but seven ribs on a side, and yet delivereth that men have generally no more then eight; as he rejecteth their history, so can we not accept of his Anatomy….
CHAP.III. Of Methuselah
What hath been every where opinion’d, by all men, and in all times, is more then Paradoxicall to dispute; and so that Methuselah was the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam5 we quietly beleeve: but that he must needs be so, is perhaps below Paralogy6 to deny. For hereof there is no determination from the Text; wherein it is only particular’d he was the longest liver of all the Patriarchs whose age is there expressed; but that he outlived all others we cannot well conclude. For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the floud, the Text expresseth that Enoch was the shortest liver; who saw but three hundred sixty five years. But to affirm from hence, none of the rest, whose age is not expressed, did die before that time; is surely an illation whereto we cannot assent.
Again, Many persons there were in those daies of longevity, of whose age notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture; as of the race of Cain, the wives of the nine Patriarches, with all the sons and daughters that every one begat; whereof perhaps some persons might outlive Methuselah; the Text intending only the masculine line of Seth, conduceable unto the Genealogy of our Saviour, and the antediluvian Chronology. And therefore we must not contract the lives of those which are left in silence by Moses….
Now that conception that no man did ever attain unto a thousand years, because none should ever be one day old in the sight of the Lord, unto whom according to that of David, A thousand years are but one day;7 doth not advantage Methuselah. And being deduced from a popular expression, which will not stand a Metaphysicall and strict examination, is not of force to divert a serious enquirer. For unto God a thousand years are no more then one moment,8 and in his sight Methuselah lived no nearer one day then Abel, for all parts of time are alike unto him, unto whom none are referrible; and all things present, unto whom nothing is past or to come. And therefore, although we be measured by the Zone of time, and the flowing and continued instants thereof, do weave at last a line and circle about the eldest; yet can we not thus commensurate the sphere of Trismegistus;9 or sum up the unsuccessive and stable duration of God.
CHAP.IV. That there was no Rainbow before the Floud
CHAP.V. Of Sem, Ham, and Japhet
CHAP.VI. That the Tower of Babel was erected against a second Deluge
CHAP.VII. Of the Mandrakes of Leah
CHAP.VIII. Of the three Kings of Collein
CHAP.IX. Of the food of John the Baptist, Locusts and wilde honey
CHAP.X. That John the Evangelist should not die
CHAP.XI. More compendiiously of some others
CHAP.XII. Of the cessation of Oracles
That Oracles ceased or grew mute at the coming of Christ, is best understood in a qualified sense and not without all latitude; as though precisely there were none after, nor any decay before. For (what we must confesse unto relations of Antiquity) some pre-decay is observable from that of Cicero urged by Baronius; Cur isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur, non modo nostra ætate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius.10 That during his life they were not altogether dumb, is deduceable from Suetonius in the life of Tiberius, who attempting to subvert the Oracles adjoining unto Rome, was deterred by the Lots or Chances which were delivered at Preneste. After his death we meet with many; Suetonius reports, that the Oracle of Antium forewarned Caligula to beware of Cassius, who was one that conspired his death. Plutarch11 enquiring why the Oracles of Greece ceased, excepteth that of Lebadia; and in the same place Demetrius affirmeth the Oracles of Mopsus and Amphilochus were much frequented in his daies. In brief, histories are frequent in examples, and there want not some even to the reign of Julian.
What therefore may consist with history; by cessation of Oracles with Montacutius we may understand their inter-cision,12 not abscission or consummate desolation; their rare delivery, not totall dereliction: and yet in regard of divers Oracles, we may speak strictly, and say there was a proper Cessation. Thus may we reconcile the accounts of times, and allow those few and broken Divinations, whereof we reade in story and undeniable Authors. For that they received this blow from Christ, and no other causes alledged by the He
athens; from oraculous confession they cannot deny; whereof upon record there are some very remarkable. The first that Oracle of Delphos delivered unto Augustus.
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