And just that was a chore congenial to the fabulists by the Danube. During the first three months of 1914, official Vienna conjured away with the skill born of experience. After all, the Habsburg domain had managed to disencumber itself of most connections to drab reality. By 1914 the Austrian Empire was a chimera ancient, iridescent, and almost plausible through its perennial re-invention. Since the Empire’s survival depended on it, such self-fabrication was a very serious business. Fabricating “Albania” was not—not quite. But the Albanian challenge tapped a talent the governing Viennese loved to exercise, and so they applied their gift to this game.
As the decorations for the last costume ball of carnival 1914 were dismantled, the city buckled down in earnest to the construction of the Albanian fantasy. Its hero, the Prince of Wied, planned to enter his fairyland in March. For his escort Vienna recruited an Albanian Volunteer Brigade for which a wonderfully imaginative uniform was devised; it combined hussar and dragoon motifs with the Balkan tang of a fez-like helmet. These colorful apparitions made a fetching background to another design, namely the monochrome elegance of the Prince’s state dress: tunic, trousers, tassels, and braids shading from gray to black, setting off the blaze of medals on his breast, a few of which were also freshly concocted.
Vienna then proceeded to style special Albanian postage to welcome the new potentate. A stamp series displayed the Albanian double eagle (looking like a nephew of the Habsburg bird) superimposed on two dates: 1467 and 1914. The first designated the victory of Skanderbeg, Albania’s legendary champion, who had vanquished the Turks back then; the second spoke of the national redeemer now, getting ready in his tassels of gray and black.
At the end of February 1914, the mbret still could not pronounce his title. On the other hand, he had a very successful last fitting. Therefore he was ready for statesmanship.
He began a triumphal progress south. The Austrian state yacht Taurus, guarded by three cruisers, floated him down the Adriatic. On March 7 he stepped onto a red-carpeted dock in the harbor of Durres; behind him, a retinue of sashes and cummerbunds that resembled a toy version of the Habsburg court.
At three that afternoon the mbret displayed himself on the balcony of the biggest local house that was still within the protective range of Austrian naval guns. A well-rehearsed crowd of Albanian folk—the men in starched white kilts, the women in very laundered babushkas—waved flags with the nephew-double-eagle and intoned Albanian hoorays. Flowers were tossed, white doves released, blessings uttered by mullahs and Greek Orthodox priests—all on cue. The chorus of Aida could not have done better.
After the enthusiasm subsided punctually, the mbret held his first State Council. It addressed three problems. (1) What were the best shoots in the most secure areas? (2) What game was there to shoot? (3) What European princes should be invited to the hunt?
Official Vienna smiled. Serbia was not amused. “I saw” said a skeptic among the witnesses, “the beginning of a tragic operetta.”
A week after the Prince of Wied came to Albania, the Bosnian schoolboy Gavrilo Princip came to Belgrade. Wied’s advent as mbret produced headlines all over Europe. Princip’s arrival was noted only in the police registration form he filled out on March 13, 1914, in a cheap lodging house at 23 Carigradska Street. Very soon the Prince of Wied became forgotten news. Today, three quarters of a century later, Princip is celebrated as Yugoslavia’s principal martyr; a bridge in the capital bears his name; a museum documents his life; his footprints preserve his memory in concrete.
But in March 1914, he professed to be just another student at the First Belgrade High School. He was preparing himself for his sixth-class examinations: that was the reason for his stay as stated on the police form. For that purpose his family paid his expenses. The weekly remittance they sent him was not a huge sum; still, it put a certain burden on what his father earned as village postman in Austrian Bosnia.
The postman had no idea that Gavrilo spent much of his money and his time at the Golden Sturgeon Café on Green Wreath Square, one of Belgrade’s major marketplaces. The Golden Sturgeon served hot tea on rusty tables to a special breed of students; they sipped, huddled, whispered, and hardly ever bent over a copybook. Most were from Austrian Bosnia—beardless firebrands who had volunteered for Serbia during the Balkan wars. Now it would be dangerous to return. A sympathetic Serb government had extended scholarships to many of them—but school-bench sitting was dull for young men who had seen action. Study bored them. Politics consumed them.
They all hated the Austrian regime which they saw throttling their native land. They all pronounced “Habsburg” with a hiss. But Gavrilo Princip’s hiss came from a depth remarkable in a body so thin and small. He did not talk much. But his pale blue eyes could flash a light that stopped the talk of others. There was a hypnotic edge to his low voice, his quiet, constant movements, even to his silence. The friends he made at the Golden Sturgeon became a following.
One of them was Nedeljko Cabrinović, formerly a student, currently an employee of the Belgrade State Printing Office. In the last week of March, Cabrinović received a letter from Bosnia with no message inside the envelope—only a newspaper clipping. He met Princip for lunch to show it to him. It had been cut out of a Sarajevo daily and contained the news that the Archduke Franz Ferdinand would be visiting that city in the course of the June maneuvers.
Gavrilo Princip read the story. He said nothing, for a while. Then he asked Cabrinović to meet him at the Golden Sturgeon again, in the evening. Cabrinović did. Again they shared a rusty table. Princip ordered mint tea, which he sipped wordlessly, shifting slowly in his chair. After a few minutes he motioned Cabrinović to walk with him into the adjacent park. He led his friend to a remote bench in the dark. They sat down. Princip spoke at last. Softly he asked his friend whether he would help him kill the Crown Prince of Austria. Silence. Cabrinović nodded. Silence. In Princip’s blue eyes gleamed the light of a distant lantern. “I will find the weapons” Princip said. Silence. They shook hands. Together they walked back to the Golden Sturgeon Café.
This happened on March 27, 1914. Earlier on the same day, some three hundred miles west of that Belgrade park, the Crown Prince of Austria had a difficult encounter.
The setting seemed pleasant enough: a fine spring morning on the wave-slapped jetty of Miramare, a romantic seaside castle just outside Trieste. Franz Ferdinand was watching the giant snow-white German yacht Hohenzollem steam toward him across the bay. It flew the Kaiser’s personal ensign with the motto “Gott mit uns!” A flotilla of German cruisers foamed the waters in its wake. As the Hohenzollem came closer, Wilhelm II became discernible, grasping the rail valorously at the prow. “My God,” the Archduke burst out at his adjutant. “He’s got that damned carving knife on! I forgot mine!”
The “carving knife” was a naval dagger with an anchor-shaped hilt that Wilhelm had invented as an accessory to his All-Highest naval uniform; he had gifted Franz Ferdinand with a copy. “Fetch it for me!” Franz Ferdinand said to his adjutant. “He’ll expect me to wear it! Get that blasted thing— right now!”
The Archduke often let his ill temper fly but hardly ever at the expense of Wilhelm II. If he did now, it was because too many vexations beset him in March of 1914. Some were old and familiar: those little, jeweled, poisoned arrows shot at him by the Vienna court. The very ground on which he stood that moment, the Castle Miramare, had been used against him. As a personal possession of Franz Joseph, Miramare lay under the jurisdiction of Prince Montenuovo, First Lord Chamberlain of the Emperor and foremost enemy of the Crown Prince. Montenuovo could not forbid Franz Ferdinand to use the castle for a spring sojourn or for a setting in which to entertain the German monarch. The Crown Prince’s wife, on the other hand, was not the Crown Princess, nor were the couple’s children archdukes. According to Montenuovo’s malevolently stringent interpretation of Habsburg house rules, Franz Ferdinand’s morganatic loved ones did not have the right of residence in one of the dynasty’s own manor
s. After all, their Highnesses were not Imperial but only Serene.
Naturally the First Lord Chamberlain’s spite always came sugared in courtier phrasing. His letter to the Crown Prince had expressed “regret to be unable to make Miramare arrangements for their Serene Highnesses without an express All-Highest command which the undersigned [Montenuovo] devoutly hopes your Imperial and Royal Highness [Franz Ferdinand] will obtain.”
In other words Franz Ferdinand must do once more what he had been forced to do on previous occasions: go to the humbling length of appealing personally to his All-Highest Uncle Franz Joseph. Only then could his Sophie, his daughter, and his two sons sleep under the same roof with him in Miramare.
Still, Miramare was a fitting mise-en-scène in which to welcome the most grandiose of all Prussians during this stopover on his Adriatic cruise. The Hohenzollern had docked. A 21-gun salute boomed from the Austrian dreadnought Viribus Unitis. Wilhelm strutted down his gangplank, a naval peacock in white and gold. Braids, froggings, epaulettes, medals, and “carving knife” invoked every variety of overgorgeousness.
And yet: The same witnesses reporting Franz Ferdinand’s earlier frown also speak of the cordiality that marked this dockside meeting just as it did most other encounters of the two men. Franz Ferdinand often referred to Wilhelm as “Europas grösster Mordskerl” (Europe’s No. 1 devil of a fellow). Never mind lapses of taste or questions of judgment—the sheer spectacle of the German’s bravado impressed the Archduke, a bravado unchecked by any authority above the Kaiser’s head or by an astute brain inside it. Franz Ferdinand’s mind was saddled with both. He was wary of Wilhelm’s sovereign excesses. He also envied and admired them.
At any rate it was politic to greet fulsomely this fulsome personage. Franz Ferdinand, being chronically embroiled with the Vienna court, needed support from the Berlin Emperor who was Vienna’s preeminent ally. And that morning, in the brilliant sunshine on the jetty (with Franz Ferdinand’s “carving knife” fetched just in time), there was something else to be gained from the German: The stature of the Archduke’s wife benefited from Wilhelm’s vanity. The Kaiser fancied himself as graceful a hand-kisser as any Austrian. He loved to prove it on Austrian territory. As he lowered his All-Highest mustache over Sophie’s less-than-archducal fingers, she partook of Imperial cachet: Another skirmish had been won against the Montenuovo camarilla.
But at Miramare loomed other issues of greater relevance to the world at large. The Crown Prince broached them at lunch in the castle’s marble dining hall. He was, he confided to Wilhelm, unhappy about all that mbret ado in Albania. His own choice for the Albanian throne, the Duke Wilhelm von Urach, a much more capable candidate, had been turned down by Vienna. This weak, silly mbret worried the Crown Prince because of Serbian repercussions. If the Austrian-backed ruler tottered, the Serbs would try to grab more Albanian territory, even to the point of a confrontation with Austria. And, Ferdinand added, it wasn’t just the Albanian situation, it was also the Hungarian attitude that made the Serbs pugnacious. The Hungarians provoked not just Belgrade Serbs but Serbs inside the Austro-Hungarian province of Bosnia; there a Magyar civil administration imposed Hungarian as a teaching language on many schools with a majority of Serbo-Croat students; in other ways, too, the Hungarian hand lay heavy on the land. And to be frank, the Archduke said, taking a deep breath, it was right here that the Kaiser could be of vital help. After all, Wilhelm wielded great influence with Count Stephan Tisza, the Hungarian Prime Minister. Any move to make the Hungarians see a tiny bit of reason would be of tremendous value. Would His Majesty be kind enough to take it under consideration?
By then guest and host had reached post-prandial liqueurs. The Kaiser savored his brandy. Well, yes, to be sure, he said, those Hungarians could be rascals. And Tisza, whom he had received in audience while coming through Vienna the other day, indeed Tisza was a rascal, too, but an absolutely first class rascal, clever and fast as you had to be in your dealings with all those Balkan bandits, Bulgaria, Serbia, and what not; yes, Tisza was really a true statesman worthy of Franz Ferdinand’s trust—in fact, come to think of it, at the German fall maneuvers to which Franz Ferdinand must come as his, the Kaiser’s guest, maybe Tisza should be invited, too; the King of Italy had just accepted—what a jolly foursome! It would iron out all sorts of differences. Also show how Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy stood together—England and France better not plan any stupidities against the Central powers. A fall maneuvers foursome—capital idea! Meanwhile, how about enjoying cigars out on the terrace?
On the terrace the two princes lit Cubans and reclined in wicker chairs. They blew smoke rings across the blue-gold Adriatic. The Kaiser had chosen to bypass Franz Ferdinand’s request for help against the Hungarians. Franz Ferdinand was not in a position to press his case. His august caller disliked arguments that clouded good scenery or spoiled the pleasures of tobacco. It would not do to risk a crucial friendship.
Cigars finished, the Crown Prince accompanied the Kaiser on an inspection tour of an Austrian battleship. Time for the Hohenzollern to steam on to Corfu. Wilhelm kissed Sophie’s hand good-bye. Austrian cannon boomed their salute while Wilhelm was piped aboard his yacht. Then Franz Ferdinand could rid himself of his German Grand Admiral’s uniform. He could toss away the “carving knife.” He could not shed his frustration.
In Vienna’s Hofburg a few days later Franz Ferdinand briefed his monarch on what he called, unsmiling, “an interesting meeting, more fruitful on some difficulties than on others, such as the awful Hungarian problem.” Franz Joseph’s answer was a cough. He had a cold. He did not ask for amplifications. He did not consider Hungary a more awful problem now than it had been for, say, the last forty years. His nephew was always throwing at him “problems” “difficulties” “awfulnesses.” It was one thing for Franz Ferdinand to keep preaching peace with Serbia. That was serviceable. It offset the war cries of General Conrad. But must he preach peace so turbulently? Problematizing Hungary? Exaggerating Serb complications? Discomfiting Franz Joseph’s old age? His nephew always rushed at him with one direness or another, no matter how kind Franz Joseph tried to be. Right now he had been kind again: Despite Montenuovo’s advice, he had invited the Crown Prince’s morganatic family to stay at the Imperial Palace.
They did not stay there long. At first they planned to remain until the opening of the racing season on Easter Sunday. But within forty-eight hours the Crown Prince had had enough of Vienna; enough of the impassivity of its Emperor; enough of the myopia of its government; enough of the snideness of its court. He summoned his Lord Chamberlain who in turn mobilized his footmen and chauffeurs. Then the Crown Princely caravan of automobiles roared off to Konopiste. They left behind nothing but a dark fierce cloud of dust.
15
VIENNA’S FIRST TURF GALA OF 1914 PROCEEDED WITHOUT THE HEIR APparent glooming in the Imperial Box at Freudenau. That in itself added to the verve of the occasion. What’s more, the weather smiled. April 12 turned out to be an idyllic Easter Sunday. Not one cloud flawed a sky that was only a nuance paler than the dominant fashion color that spring: Capri blue. The Princess Montenuovo, wife of His Majesty’s First Lord Chamberlain, displayed the hue delightfully in her ensemble: a blue gown trimmed with white moire and tango-yellow ribbons, topped by a collar of snowy lace. Many thought it brave of her to subject her generous figure to the narrow cut mandated by Paris.
Of course the younger, slimmer crowd could better accommodate French couture. But quite a few of them were missing from the aristocrats’ boxes or the haut bourgeois grandstands. They’d been seduced by another attraction of newer vogue. At Aspern Airfield an “Aeronautical Parade” had drawn so many of the jeunesse doree that their Rolls-Royces, Austro-Daimlers, Gräf & Stifts, and Mercedes-Benzes overflowed the parking space. They all watched the heavens that had become a stage. A fighter plane of the Imperial and Royal Air Force looped the loop, a double-decker towed a flock of gliders, a giant eight-passénger “bus-plane” disgorged parachutist
s whose green-and-scarlet umbrellas floated down the sunshine.
The same Easter Sunday in Vienna also featured a third spectacle. It was a dual demonstration on the Ringstrasse against two kinds of unemployment. Some six thousand workers who had recently lost their jobs were marching with placards demanding work. Another crowd protested the dissolution of Parliament. Bickering between German and Czech deputies had slowed down legislative business. This had given Count Karl von Sturgkh, Prime Minister of the Austrian half the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the excuse to invoke the notorious Paragraph Fourteen of the realm’s constitution. It allowed him to declare the parliamentarians unable to exercise their function and to suspend the Vienna (as distinct from the Budapest) parliament. Until new elections would be called— in the indefinite future—the Sturgkh administration would be answerable only to the Emperor.
Paragraph Fourteen had been invoked before. It had caused ructions before that had been shrugged off before, but never with the concision of the remark reportedly made on Easter Sunday at the Freudenau track. It was attributed to the Prime Minister himself and might be just flippant enough to be his. Count von Sturgkh had to watch the early races alone in his box; when the friend he had invited finally appeared, he blamed the lateness on a traffic back-up caused by demonstrators on the Ring. “I suppose” the Prime Minister was much quoted as saying, “I gave them spring fever”
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