"That's right," said Hal Browning. "And Phil Di'Agusto took probably five other delegates with him."
"What about this report that was done on us?" asked Bill McKay. "Who do these people think they are, for Christ sake? They got into our private lives, our kids' private lives. They know what we eat for breakfast!" To the others, Bill McKay's comments were remarkable. He actually raised his voice and invoked the name of the Lord in vain, something he almost never did. It indicated his anger and disgust.
Robert Jeffries spoke next, drawing himself up like the patrician he was, tall and slender with the air of leadership for which he had been trained all his life. "My dear friends, it appears that we have been duped. That convention was nothing more than a charade. It was controlled from Washington, and for all I know from Ottawa as well. What I would like to know is how the hell they got all this information and exactly why they did it. Evidently somebody felt that there was a very real possibility that we could pull it off, that we stood a very good chance of breaking away from the mother hen, as it were."
"That's a very perceptive point, Robert. That's exactly the conclusion that I came to," interjected Tom Adams. "If they didn't think we had a chance, would they have used that much energy picking through our private lives?"
"Tom, where did the reporter get this information?" asked Hal Browning. "Is it reliable? I mean anyone could have printed these out on a computer printer. What is it about them that makes them authentic?"
"Hal, I just trust this man. He's young. He works for a major news network and he's a good reporter. He was one of the few reporters from the national media to cover the convention. I just trust him, Hal. There's something else, though that adds to his credibility. He was in Washington during the riots. He saw the senseless violence and killing up close. He was there when Bob was killed. The first thing he did when he saw me was to express his sympathy for Bob's death. It was a very sincere expression and it meant a lot to me."
"Now gentlemen, I just had a really perverse thought," mused George Brazleton, who up until now had not said a word. "You realize that Washington is crippled. Congress has adjourned. The Senate and House are not sure when they will reconvene. The executive branch of government is completely and totally shut down. There is no national government as it existed before the riots commenced. What difference does it make what these papers mean or who did the dirty work behind them? Right now the President has got a real problem out there. Why don't we reconvene the convention? Let's have another go at it."
"Yeah, I think George is right. We have a situation right now that will never exist again. Let's take advantage of it," added Sam Brouchet.
"But wouldn't the people think we were showing a very callous side by attempting this now?" asked Hal Browning. "I mean we have to deal with public opinion in this matter. The easterners might perceive this as an act of piracy or larceny while the government is crippled."
"It's possible you're right, Hal," said Bill McKay emotionally, "but it isn't the easterners that we should be thinking about. It's the people out west. And right now I can tell you that Bob Winston's death is still on the minds of the people out here. Nothing too bad could happen to Washington as far as the common guy in the street is concerned. Most people out here blame the conditions in Washington, both politically and socially, for Bob's death. What kind of a government would sit idly by while drug peddlers do business on the steps of the Capitol, three blocks from the White House, in the streets? Bob Winston was a very popular man out here. He meant a lot to folks in the western states. They want something to be done about it."
"Are you suggesting that we could use Bob's death as a rallying point for the separation? Make him a martyr?" asked Sam Brouchet.
"That's exactly what I'm suggesting," answered Bill McKay. "It's certainly won't bring him back, but I think he would approve if we did it." McKay's voice was cold and without emotion. He had regained his composure from earlier. He wanted to exact a measure of revenge on Washington for their meddling in his privacy.
"Bill, you may be right as hell about that," Tom mused. "I've been trying to resolve in my own mind if anything good would ever come out of his death. I just didn't want to accept the fact that his death was in vain. Bob Winston may yet be the means by which the new west is formed. Then how do we do it, Bill? What is everyone's idea on carrying this thing out?"
Tom was feeling good about things for the first time since Bob Winston's death. He was now beginning to believe that things would turn out for the best. "Perhaps," he thought to himself as the others engaged in idea forming, "it was always meant that at least one sacrifice would have to be made. Did we think it would be easy? Who else may have to give up his life, or his reputation before we can create a new nation? Am I and the others willing to put our lives and our fortunes on the line as the founders of the original US did two hundred years ago? They literally pledged their lives and property in the cause of independence. Are we made of as good stuff as they were? I think we are. I know we are."
"Tom, Tom, what do you think?" asked Sam, rousing Tom out of his reverie.
"I'm sorry, Sam, I was a million miles and a couple of centuries away," answered Tom apologetically. "What did you say?"
"I said, Do you think we should call another convention as we did before?"
"No, I don't," answered Tom unhesitating. "I don't think we have time to do that. Remember how long it took last time to call that many people together. I think we ought to go straight for the legislatures in the states and do it just as quickly as we can. The next five days wouldn't be too soon. I think what we have to do is to present Washington with a fait accompli. We have to put together a coalition of American and Canadian states that is willing to secede and form a new government. If only one state did it, it might be looked upon as a prank or worse. But if five, six or seven states and provinces did it together, then, by God, it would have the force of numbers needed to accomplish it."
The other men were looking at Tom as he spoke. It was obvious that something had come over Tom, a resolve, a throwing off of fear. If they had any doubt before, now they could see that Tom Adams was going to pull this thing off, by himself if necessary, but preferably with the other states at his side. They needed a leader and Tom Adams was that leader. It was almost as though he had taken the spirit of Robert Winston and added it to his own to form a spirit so strong that no one could deter him. Tom Adams was full of resolve. He would die before he would surrender his dream and his promise to Bob Winston. At that moment, for the first time in his life, he understood what total commitment meant. He felt the strength of belief that the early founders of the Republic must have felt. He did not intend to fail, but if he did, he knew that the quest itself was the reward, not the guarantee of victory. If it was going to be easy, it probably would not carry with it the reward of satisfaction that he so desperately needed in his life. The words he eulogized at Bob Winston's memorial service must not be empty words designed to attract the attention of the listening audience. They must have meaning.
"Robert, where do the Canadian provinces stand right now on the question of independence?" Tom directed his question to Jeffries. "Are they ready to move, or will they debate the issue in the Legislative Assemblies for the next five years? Would Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba be prepared to move quickly?"
"Tom, unless the leaders have changed their attitude since I arrived here, I think they would welcome a bold move right now. Something pivotal has to happen, and a courageous move just might be the very thing they are looking for," answered Jeffries. "And British Columbia as well, I might add."
"Hal, what about Oregon?" Tom continued.
"I think Oregon can be counted on. There's a strong sentiment for a change," responded Browning.
"Bill, will Wyoming join us?" continued Adams.
"Barring an unforeseen change in attitude, yes."
"What do we know about the Dakotas?" Tom directed his question to anyone who could supply an answer.
> "The Dakotas are in desperate need of a change right now. Fiscally, they are both hurting. I don't see how they would be any worse off with us than with Washington," offered Sam Brouchet. "And Texas, George?"
"Now that may be a little more of a problem, boys. I may have to work on the folks back home a little harder than some of your states. But I have every expectation that we'll join you in good time," said George.
"You can count on Nevada," said Sam without being asked. "All right, let's get down to the tough part," said Tom. "We need to formulate a strategy for dealing with the various legislatures. How do we do that? What's our approach?"
"I'll tell you what my approach is going to be in Oregon," said Hal Browning. "I am going to approach them as politicians, because they are politicians first and foremost. They have feelings about this issue, very strong feelings, but I don't know if they are as committed as we are. I'm going to appeal to their political feelings. I will try convincing them that we will be better off going it alone than staying with the US. Better off economically, socially and politically. As politicians, their opportunities are greater for a post in a national government than they are now. They can make a greater impact in a small, new country than they can make in a large, old country."
"They can address issues that are closer to home, that will impact people that they know, rather than just reading about or watching on TV. Their constituency will be western people, cowboys, ranchers, lumber mill operators, miners and such people, not welfare recipients in Detroit and Pittsburgh, and surely not eastern bankers and patricians. I'm going to stress the difference we can make socially when we have a population as homogeneous as the west is, Canadians included. We dress alike, we speak the same brand of English, we all like barbecues and rodeos. We think alike on most issues. We're basically conservative people with a nice mixture of progressivism. That's the approach I will take," concluded Harold Browning.
"Hal, you ought to consider entering politics," chided Sam Brouchet, always the iconoclast. "Now I know why people call you the smartest man in the west. Well stated."
"It was well stated, Hal," added Bill McKay. "Hal is right on target. These people in the state legislatures will have to be convinced that what they are doing corresponds to what their constituency wants. Hal, could you write up a position paper to include most of what you just said. I frankly don't think I am eloquent enough to state it as you just did. But I believe that we could publish such as a document in the western newspapers and on TV with a very powerful impact."
"Yes, I will write it up. I'll start working on it tonight," Hal volunteered.
"Good," said Tom. "It might just be the one thing that will sway the general population, in case the lawmakers get a case of cold feet. So we're in agreement then? When we leave here, we'll go directly to the state and provincial legislatures and begin lobbying for a 'declaration of independence' from the US, a second declaration to be sure. What we need now is a target date. I can tell you that I will press for a date not more than a month away in Colorado. I think anything later than that may be too late. Can we use the date of August tenth as our target date?"
The group generally agreed that it was a reasonable date. The group now turned its attention to other purely practical questions such as how to deal with the media. George Brazleton expressed his opinion. "Tom, this young reporter friend of yours, what network is he with and would he do a story on his findings on national news?"
"CNN. He said that he was planning to do so. I haven't talked to him in a couple of days. I may call him tonight and nudge him a little bit. I think we need all the sympathetic press we can get. Even people out east disapprove of Washington meddling in private lives."
"Good idea, Tom," said Sam. "Why not include him this time? Let's invite him to come out and do the story from start to finish. Let him watch the whole thing unfold from the inside. Who knows, maybe he can chronicle the birth of a new nation."
"Why not?" added Hal. "Let's not hide anything."
"I agree," said Bill McKay.
"Fine with me," concluded Tom. "I'll invite him out tonight. If he's the type of reporter I think he is, he'll probably pay for his own airline ticket. Sam, we need to resurrect the committee in Denver. Can we still count on you for your pledge of support?" "I never did send them home or close the shop," answered Sam. "I never doubted for a minute that they would be needed. They've been working on very practical matters like how to create a new currency, how to create a new constitution, how to build a new defense force, little details like that. I brought in a couple economists from Washington State, a retired lieutenant general from Idaho, a highway and transportation expert from Kansas City. She's smart as hell and does she have a great ass!"
"Sam, we may have underestimated your talents," said Hal Browning with an expression of renewed respect for this man. Until that moment Browning had looked upon Sam as a crude, wealthy tycoon. Suddenly he realized how badly he had misjudged him. Sam was crude, no doubt about that, but he had a native intelligence that people begrudgingly envied. Apparently, some of the others in the group had also underestimated Sam's talents.
"That's all right, Hal. My competitors have been doing that for years. That's why I accumulated my money!" retorted Sam. That was the tension breaker the group needed. They laughed for a full two minutes, as much as anything just to refresh their minds for a moment. After that, the men used the break to pour fresh coffee, stretch their legs, light up cigars or pipes, attend to their needs in the bathroom, or just walk outside for some fresh air. Thirty minutes later they had reconvened in the cabin. Bill McKay had come to a decision about something during the break and was determined to present his idea to the group.
"Gentlemen," said Bill McKay, "when Bob was with us, I think we all unofficially thought of him as the chairman of the group. Now he's gone and I would like to present you with the idea of naming Tom Adams as the official chairman. I don't think there is any doubt that Tom has worked his tail off on this project. He deserves the recognition that most of us have already seen in him anyway. Any objections or alternate nominations?" McKay neither saw nor heard any objections, and turned to Tom and said, "Tom, you're our man."
Tom was genuinely impressed with the honor just bestowed upon him, along with the realization that a great deal of responsibility accompanied it. "Thank you all very much. I hope I don't disappoint anyone here or throughout the west. I'm doing this for Bob Winston. Let no one ever forget that."
Tom continued by asking Sam, "Sam, give us an idea of some of the reports or research that the committee in Denver has come up with. Have you seen any of it recently? What are they recommending for type of government, currency, defense, and so forth?"
"Interesting you should ask, Tom. Yes, I have seen some of the reports. They've already compiled recommendations on a parliamentary form of government at the national level, a precious metal backed currency and a very small defense force comprised mostly of National Guard Air and Army. I imagine the form of government will meet with some agreement from our Canadian friends." "Indeed it will, Sam," said Robert Jeffries showing a smile of pleasure. "How did they come up with such a recommendation? What was their rationale?"
"Basically they felt that the parliamentary form of government offers something that the present national government lacks, and that is the assurance that the party in power will always name the chief executive. As it is now, the US has had a Democrat controlled Congress for about 36 out of the last 40 years, but there have been Republican presidents for about 26 years. The last Republican president to have a favorable Congress was Eisenhower, I believe. Neither Canada nor England has such a problem since they are parliamentary. They also liked the idea of calling an election not every four years, but as the party in power deems appropriate. There are other reasons, but you gentlemen would have to read the report to appreciate them. I'm going to get copies of all the reports to you as soon as possible."
"Very interesting, Sam," said McKay. "Have they done a repor
t on the choice for a capital yet?"
"Yes, they have. They're going to recommend that it be in British Columbia, if they join in, or in Washington, if they join. Their rationale is that it offers the best compromise to entice the Canadians, is on or near the coast, and is somewhat central to the whole land mass from Alaska to New Mexico and Texas. But George, you should know that a very strong minority opinion would have either Dallas or Houston as the capital. But the people who prepared that report know that the choice of a capital will be the most political issue of the whole thing."
"Other than having a nice fanny, what reports will this transportation expert offer, Sam?" asked George Brazleton, laughing. "Well, I'll tell you. She is one smart lady, and I shouldn't kid about her posterior. She has some very interesting ideas about interstate transportation on these highspeed rail systems. She studied the French highspeed trains and also the Japanese equivalent. Give her an hour and she'll convince you that they are the transport system of the future. For the west, that is, because we have the space to work with. Won't work out east because of the congestion and high land acquisition cost."
"Very fine, Sam," said Tom. "We'll really look forward to seeing those reports. And incidentally, I'm glad you were committed enough to keep them working when the rest of us thought it was all over. It may be very useful in keeping the timeline short. Also, I called Tim Mullenski while we were on break. He said he would be delighted to spend all the time necessary out here. He's checking with his boss to get assigned to Denver next week. He said he might bring the person along who helped him uncover those printouts we went over. Seems the computer center she worked at is just rubble now. She is on furlough until they figure out what to do with her and about 500 other staff."
"Tim is with CNN, right?". asked George Brazleton. "I believe I might have met him once or twice. Seemed like a hell of a nice young man."
"Well, gentlemen, is anyone in favor of a dinner break? I didn't realize that it's nearly seven pm. Is anyone hungry?" asked Tom.
The Second Declaration Page 11