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by Ray Takeyh


  36. IRNA, August 10, 2002.

  37. New York Times, October 11, 2003.

  38. Los Angeles Times, July 20, 2002.

  39. E’temad, August 18, 2005.

  3. IRAN’S PLACE IN THE GREATER MIDDLE EAST

  1. Hamid Algar, Islam and Revolution: The Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini (Berkeley, Calif.: Mizan Press, 1981); Ali Akbar Velayati, Iran va Mas’eleh-ye Felestin (Tehran: 1997), 3–10.

  2. Cited in Rouhollah Ramazani, Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1986), 29.

  3. Christin Marschall, Iran’s Persian Gulf Policy: From Khomeini to Khatami (London: Curzon, 2003), 62–100; Nader Entessar, “Superpowers and Persian Gulf Security: The Iranian Perspective,” Third World Quarterly (October 1988); Roy Mottahedeh, “Shiite Political Thought and Destiny of the Iranian Revolution,” in Iran and the Gulf: A Search for Stability, ed. Jamal Al-Suwaidi (Abu Dhabi, U.A.E.: The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 1996), 70–81.

  4. Cited in J. Goldberg, “Saudi Arabia and the Iranian Revolution: The Religious Dimension,” in The Iranian Revolution and the Muslim World, ed. David Menashri (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1990), 158.

  5. David Menashri, “Khomeini’s Vision: Nationalism or World Order?” and Farhad Kazemi and Jo-Anne Hart, “The Shi’ite Praxis: Democratic Politics and Foreign Policy in Iran,” both in The Iranian Revolution and the Muslim World; Graham Fuller, The Center of the Universe: Geopolitics of Iran (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1991), 8–34; Marvin Zonis and Daniel Brumberg, Khomeini: The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab World (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, 1987), 31–37.

  6. Marschall, Iran’s Persian Gulf Policy, 146–79; John Calabrese, Revolutionary Horizons: Regional Foreign Policy in Post-Khomeini Iran (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994), 45–73.

  7. Ali Akbar Velayati, “The Persian Gulf: Problems of Security,” Iranian Journal of International Affairs (Spring 1991); Muhammad Javad Larijani, “Iran’s Foreign Policy: Principles and Objectives,” Iranian Journal of International Affairs (Winter 1996).

  8. This point has been particularly emphasized by Louis Freeh. See Louis Freeh, My FBI: Bringing Down the Mafia, Investigating Bill Clinton, and Fighting the War on Terror (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2005). For an alternative view on the complexity of Khobar being an operation conducted by al-Qaeda and its affiliates as opposed to Iran, see Yitzak Nakash, Reaching for Power: The Shi’a in the Modern Arab World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 131; Olivier Roy, Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 52.

  9. Christian Science Monitor, February 25, 2000.

  10. R. K. Ramazani, “The Emerging Arab-Indian Rapprochement: Toward an Integrated US Policy in the Middle East?”, Middle East Policy (June 1998); Mohsen Milani, “Iran’s Gulf Policy: From Idealism to Confrontation to Pragmatism and Moderation,” in Iran and the Gulf: The Search for Stability, ed. Jamal a-Suwaidi (Abu Dhabi, U.A.E.: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 1996).

  11. IRNA, August 23, 2005.

  12. Sharq, July 26, 2005.

  13. Shireen Hunter, “Iran and Syria: From Hostility to Limited Alliance,” in Iran and the Arab World, ed. Hooshang Amirahmadi and Nader Entessar (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1990).

  14. Shahrough Akhavi, “The Impact of Iranian Revolution on Egypt,” in The Iranian Revolution: Its Global Impact, ed. John Esposito (Miami: University Press of Florida, 1990); Nader Entessar, “The Lion and the Sphinx: Iranian-Egyptian Relations in Perspective,” in Iran and the Arab World.

  15. R. K. Ramazani, Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 162–72.

  16. Richard Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 1–12.

  17. Fawaz Gerges, The Far Enemy: Why Jihad Went Global (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 119–15; Gilles Kepel, The War for Muslim Minds: Islam and the West (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004), 70–81.

  18. Jomhuri-ye Islami, November 21, 2005.

  19. Shireen Hunter, Iran and the World: Continuity in a Revolutionary Decade (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 79–98; Graham Fuller, The Center of the Universe: The Geopolitics of Iran (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press 1991), 168–88.

  20. Robert Freedman, “Russian Policy Toward the Middle East: The Yeltsin Legacy and the Putin Challenge,” Middle East Journal (Winter 2001); Hooman Peimani, Regional Security and the Future of Central Asia: The Competition of Iran, Turkey and Russia (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998), 41–129.

  21. Hanna Yousif Freij, “State Interests vs. the Umma: Iranian Policy in Central Asia,” Middle East Journal (Winter 1996); Shireen Hunter, “Iran’s Pragmatic Regional Policy, Journal of International Affairs (Spring 2003).

  22. A. William Samii, “Iran and Chechnya: Realpolitik at Work,” Middle East Policy (March 2001); Svante Cornell, “Iran and the Caucasus,” Middle East Policy (January 1998).

  23. Adam Tarock, “The Politics of the Pipeline: The Iran and Afghanistan Conflict,” Third World Quarterly (August 1999); Valerie Piacentini, “The Afghan Puzzle,” Iranian Journal of International Affairs (Summer 1996). Olivier Roy, “The New Political Elite of Afghanistan,” in The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan, ed. Myron Weiner and Ali Banuazizi (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1994), 72–101.

  24. Barnett Rubin, “The Fragmentation of Afghanistan,” Foreign Affairs (Winter 1989–1990); see also “Post–Cold War State Disintegration: The Failure of International Conflict Resolution in Afghanistan,” Journal of International Affairs (Winter 1993).

  25. Hunter, Iran and the World, 130–38; Fuller, Center of the Universe, 230–31.

  4. TURNING POINTS IN U.S.–IRANIAN RELATIONS

  1. Sharq, August 22, 2005; E’temad, August 23, 2005.

  2. Nikki R. Keddie, The Roots of the Revolution: An Interpretative History of Modern Iran (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981), 119–32; Kenneth Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict Between Iran and America (New York: Random House, 2004), 48–50.

  3. Benjamin Shwadran, The Middle East, Oil, and the Great Powers (New York: Council for Middle Eastern Affairs Press, 1959), 159.

  4. William Roger Louis, “Britain and the Overthrow of the Mossadeq Government,” in Mohammad Mossadeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran, ed. Mark Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2004), 126–78; William Roger Louis, The British Empire in the Middle East: Arab Nationalism, the United States and Postwar Imperialism, 1945–1961 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 632, 690, 651; John Darwin, Britain and Decolonization: The Retreat from Empire in the Postwar World (London: St. Martin’s Press, 1988), 51–103.

  5. Irvine Anderson, “The American Oil Industry and the Fifty-Fifty Agreement of 1950,” in Mussadiq, Iranian Nationalism and Oil, ed. James Bill and William Roger Louis (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1988).

  6. Jalil Bozorgmehr, ed., Ta’qirat-e Mossadeq dar zendan (Tehran: 1980), 114–17; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 250–52; Richard Cottam, Nationalism in Iran (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979), 264–68; Cuyler Young, “The Social Support of Current Iranian Policy,” Middle East Journal (Spring 1952), 125–43.

  7. Homa Katouzian, Mussadiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran (London: I. B. Tauris, 1999), 78–113; see also “Problems of Democracy and the Public Sphere in Modern Iran,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East (1988): 31–37.

  8. Farhad Diba, Muhammad Mussadiq: A Political Biography (London: Croom Helm, 1986); Katouzian, Mussadiq and the Struggle for Power in Iran, 1–78; James Bill, The Eagle and the Lion: The Tragedy of American-Iranian Relations (New Haven, Conn.: Y
ale University Press, 1989), 53–57; Dilip Hiro, The Iranian Labyrinth: Journeys through Theocratic Iran and Its Furies (New York: Nation Books, 2005), 64–70.

  9. Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (New York: Norton, 1969), 509–11; Mary Ann Heiss, Empire and Nationhood: The United States, Grest Britain and Iranian Oil, 1950–1954 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 35–98; George McGhee, “Recollections of Dr. Mussadiq,” in Mussadiq, Iranian Nationalism and Oil, 296–307; Mark Gasiorowski, U.S. Foreign Policy and the Shah: Building a Client State in Iran (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 67–72; Melvyn Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration and the Cold War (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1992), 446–95.

  10. Kamran Dadkhah, “Iran’s Economic Policy during the Mossadeq Era,” Journal of Iranian Research and Analysis (November 2000); Homa Katouzian, “Oil Boycott and the Political Economy: Mussadiq and the Strategy of Non-Oil Economics,” in Mussadiq, Iranian Nationalism and Oil, 203–28.

  11. Shahrough Akhavi, “The Role of the Clergy in Iranian Politics, 1949–1954,” in Mussadiq, Iranian Nationalism and Oil, 91–118; see also Akhavi, Religion and Politics in Contemporary Iran: Clergy-State Relations in the Pahlavi Period (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1980), 60–72.

  12. Y. Alexander and A. Nanes, ed., The United States and Iran: Documentary History (Frederick, Md.: Alethia Books, 1980), 232–35.

  13. Zachary Karabell, Architects of Intervention: The United States, the Third World and the Cold War, 1946–1962 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 50–62; Walter Lafeber, America, Russia and the Cold War, 1945–1984 (New York: Knopf, 1985), 125–46.; Ray Takeyh, The Origins of the Eisenhower Doctrine: The U.S., Britain and Nasser’s Egypt, 1953–1957 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000), 1–26.

  14. Barry Rubin, Paved with Good Intentions: The American Experience and Iran (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), 77–90; Bill, The Eagle and the Lion, 85–86.

  15. Maziar Behrooz, “Tudeh Factionalism and the 1953 Coup in Iran,” International Journal of Middle East Studies (August 2001): 363–82; see also Behrooz’s Rebels with a Cause (London: I. B. Tauris, 2000), 3–16, and “The 1953 Coup in Iran and the Legacy of the Tudeh,” in Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran, 192–96; Sepehr Zabih, The Communist Movement in Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), chap. 5; Yann Richard, “Ayatollah Kashani: Precursor of the Islamic Republic?” in Religion and Politics in Iran: Shi’ism from Quietism to Revolution, ed. Nikki R. Keddie (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1983), 101–24.

  16. For the most comprehensive and insightful account of the coup, see Stephen Kinzer, All the Shah’s Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror (Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons, 2003); see also Kermit Roosevelt, Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979); S. Dorril, MI6: Fifty Years of Special Operations (London: Fourth Estate, 2000), 558–600; Mark Gasiorowski, “The 1953 Coup d’Etat in Iran,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies (August 1987): 261–86, and Bill, The Eagle and the Lion, 86–94; Marvin Zonis, Majestic Failure: The Fall of the Shah (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 100–104.

  17. Mark Bowden, “Mahmoud the Bashful,” Atlantic Monthly, October 2005.

  18. Massoumeh Ebtekar, Takeover in Tehran: The Inside Story of the 1979 U.S. Embassy Capture (Burnaby, B.C.: Talonbooks, 2000), 39–79; Ali Ansari, Modern Iran Since 1921 (Harlow, Eng.: Longman, 2003), 226–29.

  19. David Harris, The Crisis: The President, the Prophet and the Shah—1979 and the Coming of Militant Islam (Boston: Little, Brown, 2004), 197–277.

  20. Bill, The Eagle and the Lion, 86; Christos Ioannides, “The Hostages of Iran: Discussion with the Militants,” Washington Quarterly Issue 3 (1980); David Patrick Houghton, U.S. Foreign Policy and the Iran Hostage Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 65–70; Ebtekar, Takeover in Tehran, 44–45.

  21. Mehdi Bazargan, Mosalman-e: Ejtema i va Jahani (Tehran: 1965); Az Khodaparasti ta Khodaparast (Houston: 1974); and Enqelab-e Iran dar do Harakat (Tehran: 1984). For important accounts of Bazargan, see H. E. Chehabi, Iranian Politics and Religious Modernism: The Liberation Movement of Iran under Shah and Khomeini (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990); and “State and Society in Islamic Liberalism,” State, Culture and Society (Spring 1985): 85–98.

  22. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor, 1977–1981 (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1985), 475–76.

  23. David Farber, Taken Hostage: The Iran Hostage Crisis and America’s First Encounter with Radical Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005), 142.

  24. Houghton, U.S. Foreign Policy and the Iran Hostage Crisis, 80–95; Warren Christopher, ed., American Hostages in Iran: The Conduct of a Crisis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1985), 72–144; Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1995), 462–90; Rubin, Paved with Good Intentions, 311–13.

  25. Warren Christopher, Chances of a Lifetime (New York: Scribner, 2001), 97–98; Cyrus Vance, Hard Choices: Four Critical Years in Managing America’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983), 376–83; Harold Saunders, “The Crisis Begins,” in Christopher, ed., American Hostages in Iran.

  26. Farber, Taken Hostage, 151–55.

  27. Roy Mottahedeh, “Iran’s Foreign Devils,” Foreign Policy (Spring 1980): 19–35.

  28. Paul Ryan, The American Rescue Mission: Why It Failed (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 1985); Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, 167–70; Zbigniew Brzezinski, “The Failed Mission: The Inside Account of the Attempt to Free the Hostages in Iran,” New York Times, April 18, 1982; see also Brzezinski, Power and Principle, 487–500; Rubin, Paved with Good Intentions, 301–4.

  29. Shaul Bakhash, The Reign of Ayatollahs (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 201.

  30. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, 170–80; Harris, The Crisis, 363–425; Farber, Taken Hostage, 180–90.

  31. Joost R. Hiltermann, “Outsiders as Enablers: Consequences and Lessons from International Silence on Iraq’s Use of Chemical Weapons During the Iran-Iraq War,” in Iran, Iraq and the Legacies of War, ed. Lawrence Potter and Gary Sick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

  32. Robin Wright, In the Name of God: The Khomeini Decade (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 130–41.

  33. James Bill, “The U.S. Overtures to Iran, 1985–1986: An Analysis,” and Eric Hooglund, “The Policy of the Reagan Administration Toward Iran,” both in Neither East nor West: Iran, the Soviet Union, and the United States, ed. Nikki R. Keddie and Mark Gasiorowski (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990).

  34. For various perspectives, see Robert McFarlane and Zofia Smardz, Special Trust (New York: Cadell and Davis, 1994); George Schultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Scribner, 1993); Robert Gates, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider’s Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996); Peter Kornbluh and Malcolm Byrne, The Iran-Contra Scandal: The Declassified History (New York: New Press, 1993); U.S. Congress, House, Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran, and Senate, Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and Nicaraguan Opposition, Report of the Congressional Views (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1987).

  35. Samuel Segev, The Iranian Triangle: The Untold Story of Israel’s Role in the Iran-Contra Affair (New York: Free Press, 1988).

  36. For an incisive examination of Israeli-Iranian relations, see Trita Parsi, “Israeli-Iranian Relations Assessed: Strategic Competition from Power Cycle Perspective,” Iranian Studies (June 2005).

  37. Bill, The Eagle and the Lion, 312; Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, 213.

  38. R. K. Ramazani, “Iran and the United States: Islamic Realism?” in The Middle East from Iran-Contra Affair to the Intifada, ed. Robert Fr
eedman (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1991), 167–83.

  39. Ibid., 169.

  40. Ibid.

  41. Statement by H. E. Seyyed Muhammad Khatami, president of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Eighth Session of the Islamic Summit Conference, 2.

  42. Christian Science Monitor, February 25, 2000.

  43. Muhammad Khatami, Az Donya-ye Shahr (Tehran: 1997), 14–15.

  44. Middle East Insight (November–December 1997): 32.

  45. Jahangir Amuzegar, “Khatami’s Legacy: Dashed Hopes,” Middle East Journal (Winter 2006): 67–70.

  46. Muhammad Khatami, Hope and Challenge (Binghamton: Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University, State University of New York Press, 1997), 19.

  47. Interview with Khatami, CNN, January 8, 1998.

  48. IRNA, December 9, 1997.

  49. IRNA, January 28, 2002.

  50. Resalat, June 22, 2002.

  51. New York Times, May 27, 1993; see also Anthony Lake, “Confronting Backlash States,” Foreign Affairs (March–April 2004).

  52. New York Times, July 5, 1994.

  53. F. Gregory Gause III, “The Illogic of Dual Containment,” Foreign Affairs (March–April 1994).

  54. U.S. Department of State, press statement, June 17, 1998; New York Times, December 16, 1997.

  55. Reuters, February 29, 2000.

  56. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, xxv.

  57. Ibid., 340.

  58. Ibid., xxvi.

  59. Mideast Mirror, May 20, 2000.

  5. UNDER THE SHADOW OF SEPTEMBER 11

  1. Quoted in Kenneth Pollack and Ray Takeyh, “Taking on Tehran,” Foreign Affairs (March–April 2005): 22.

  2. AFP, April 14, 2003.

  3. New York Times, November 9, 2001.

  4. Reuters, December 2, 2001.

  5. Dawn, May 25, 2002.

  6. IRNA, April 25, 2002.

  7. IRNA, January 24, 2002.

  8. Entekhab, April 14, 2002.

 

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