At the moment the world amuses itself; the sun shines brightly, trees are at the zenith of their beauty, roses abound and, above all, it is Ascot week. To those who know England much is summed up in this sentence. Though Tuesday, the first day of Ascot races, was cold enough to demand wraps, we have had glorious weather ever since. On Tuesday Ascot was “cloaked”. There has never been such a sudden dash into popularity as this incursion of the cloak. It swept everything else before it. Cloaks of fine cloth, of satin, taffetas, velvet and lace; no costume seemed complete without one. In the fine gossamer-like material the cloak simply hung from the shoulders of its wearer, looking, as the wind caught its voluminous folds, like a huge butterfly.
The Season was an event to embrace rather than to attend, created to give society women a reason to accompany their husbands to the city during the sitting of parliament; an endurance test of presentation and deportment. It lasted not for a few days or even weeks, but for months—from the middle of April, when the spring slowly thawed, through May with the court ball at Buckingham Palace and June when the crowds flocked to Epsom for the Derby and the Royal Ascot week. Then followed the Henley Regatta and the Eton v Harrow cricket match at Lords after which the crowds travelled to the Isle of Wight for the Cowes yachting regatta before the rich and privileged at last began packing up their city houses and shifting back to their sprawling, if crumbling, country estates.
And before the Season proper came the debutantes—a 200-year-old ritual, in which society mothers presented their teenage daughters to the royal court to signify they were now of marriageable age. This tradition had been begun in 1780 by George III, who held a ball each January to celebrate the birthday of his wife, Queen Charlotte; it had then become entrenched through the 19th century as a rite of passage—the sovereign’s blessing.
By the 20th century the presentations were held through March, when the cold winds still blew up The Mall, forcing the young ladies in their virginal white gowns and plumed feathers to scurry across the gravel forecourt of Buckingham Palace, holding their trains in gloved hands as they disappeared through its austere facade. Once inside they would wait nervously in lines to be presented to the King and Queen; a deep curtsey to the Queen—graceful descent, left knee locked behind the right, arms by the sides to balance—then three sidesteps and another curtsey to the King.
There were three debutante presentations in 1914. Margaret and Sheila had missed them all by the time they arrived in London in the July after several weeks in Paris, but the rounds of garden parties and balls had only just begun as they rented a flat at St James’s Court, in the heart of the city abuzz with society and those who wanted to be a part of it.
Sheila had been dazzled by the trip even before reaching Europe, the journey by ship accentuating the distance and cultural divide between her homeland and the rest of the world, as if drawn from the pages of the books she loved—“flying fish and sunsets across the Indian Ocean, rickshaws in Galle drawn by sweating, coloured men wearing only a loin cloth, the barren rocks of Aden, the stifling heat of the Red Sea. Then the wonder of the Suez Canal and the riotous colours of Port Said.”
They had landed at Marseilles and joined a boat train to Paris where Sheila was immediately enchanted by the rich splendours of the city. They stayed at the Hotel Lotti, the city’s newest and most fashionable hotel, and she pestered her mother into allowing her to go one night to the restaurant Maxim’s, which had featured in the opera The Merry Widow that had toured Australia in 1913. Not one to let an opportunity pass, Sheila then revelled in the “shock and disapproval” of other restaurant guests when she accepted a dance invitation from a professional dancer: “He was a typical gigolo, I had never seen anything like him before.”
Talk of war had forced them to abandon planned trips to Germany and Italy so Sheila and Margaret headed for London where there was another opportunity to be presented at the palace, this time as part of a select group of Australian women. The event was reported back in Sydney, Margaret and Sheila “among Australian ladies either attending or being presented at the drawing rooms at Buckingham Palace. Lady Samuel is presenting Mrs Chisholm and her daughter”. Viscountess Beatrice Samuel was the wife of the British Postmaster General, Herbert Samuel, and an active member of the Women’s Liberal Federation whose aim was to give women the vote.
At other times during the endless round of society events it was hard to get noticed in the crowd, particularly when the venue was one of London’s most exclusive, the hostess among the most famous society women of her day and the room full of aristocrats:
July 20 Queensland Figaro and Punch: The unusually warm weeks which have preceded the end of the London season have driven some people out of town but there were still a number of parties every afternoon and evening . . . Lady Grey-Egerton gave a very large “At Home” at Claridge’s last week. She wore a white lace silk gown and her daughter, Miss Aimee Clarke, wore powder blue cloth. Among the guests were many notable English people including the Countesses of Selkirke, Dudley, Limerick, Lindsay, Annesley, Ranfurly and Brassey, Katherine Duchess of Westminster, Lady Blanche Conyngham, Lady Constance Combe, Lady Templemore, Lady Helen Grosvenor; and of Australian interest Lady Denman, Lady Reid, Lady Mills, Lady Fuller, Lady Coughlan, Lady Samuel, Mrs Collins, Mrs Smart, Mrs Primrose, Mrs Chisholm and numbers of others.
But the excitement would end quickly. No one had quite believed that war would be declared. The Germans didn’t have the money to fight a war and, besides, they would be beaten within weeks or, at worst, months. But on July 28, a week after Lady Grey-Egerton’s select gathering, the first shots were fired.
On August 4, Londoners crowded into the city centre to sing and cheer when the announcement was finally made that Britain had no choice but to enter the conflict that had been ignited by the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo. Any thoughts Margaret and Sheila might have had of booking their passage home to Sydney were now placed on hold. Sheila could hear the crowd from the apartment: “I have remembered all my life the dull roaring sound of the crowd that surged around Buckingham Palace. ‘God Save the King’ was sung over and over again,” she would recall years later. “The cheering went on for days and nights. It was mob hysteria. It seemed a crusade. London was electric.”
Margaret didn’t know what to do. Neither did Chissie, who was keeping in touch by cablegram. Should mother and daughter remain in the relative safety of London or risk a three-month boat trip back to the sanctuary of Sydney? In the end the decision was made to stay. They were still in London in late October, when Roy Chisholm was married, not to Mollee Little as Sheila had expected but Miss Constance Coldham, daughter of a wealthy Queensland businessman and racehorse owner her brother had met. The wedding was celebrated at the Australia Hotel—the same place Sheila’s farewell had been held seven months before. The Townsville Daily Bulletin noted: “A cablegram was received from Mrs Harry Chisholm, who is still away with her daughter Sheila on the wedding day.”
And there was further important news for the family. Older brother John had joined the Australian Expeditionary Forces and was headed for Egypt in preparation for the push into France. “Jack”, a lean, 6-foot-tall man with the ingrained deep tan of a grazier, cut a commanding figure and was assigned to the 6th Australian Light Horse Regiment and given the rank of sub-lieutenant. The regiment was part of the 2nd Australian Light Horse Brigade, which would be based at Maadi on the outskirts of Cairo where they would wait for orders.
Margaret Chisholm made up her mind—mother and daughter would go to Cairo to be near their son and brother.
Margaret and Sheila left England in November through the fog that clung to Tilbury Docks, amid little of the fanfare that normally accompanied departing ships. These were serious times.
They arrived in Cairo in December, a month before Jack and Roy’s childhood friend Lionel who had also signed up. Meanwhile, Sheila and Margaret settled into the strange, almost twilight existence of a city that was being comman
deered for war. The opulence of the colonial outpost remained, with hotels like the grand Shepheard’s where they stayed, but this was a city in transition.
Sheila was one of few women among thousands of men, many of them young and single who accepted that the next day might be their last: “I was usually dressed in riding breeches or as a Red Cross worker, always surrounded by dozens of men in various uniforms,” she would recall. “I had many would-be-admirers but they didn’t interest me in the least.”
Among them was a coterie of English aristocrats including the Duke of Westminster, “considered one of the most attractive men in England. I liked him but thought him rather old. I suppose he was thirty-seven at the time.” Others included Lord Parmoor, and his brother Colonel Fred Cripps who would lead the last-ever cavalry charge against the Turkish guns at El Mughar and later become Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Her daily confrontation with death only drove Sheila and her companions to explore what they could of life, with sailing trips up the Nile in dahabiyas and crazy night drives in cars to see the Sphinx by moonlight, stars hanging like lanterns against the night sky. At other times Sheila rode Arab stallions out into the desert in the evening to watch the sunset, or at dawn to watch the sunrise.
Although there was an illusion of normality with lively bars and restaurants filled each night, Cairo had been converted into a sprawling hospital campus, where every available public building was emptied and refilled with iron-framed beds hauled from hotels, and others made locally from palm wood. Even before the medical staff faced the overwhelming influx of wounded Allied soldiers, they were challenged by infectious diseases; they were simply unprepared for the mammoth outbreaks they encountered of measles, bronchitis, pneumonia, tonsillitis, meningitis and venereal disease.
Alongside the arrival of the Australian divisions in January, the Heliopolis Hotel was commandeered to provide another 200-bed hospital; its lavish furniture and fine carpets were rolled up and carried away to be stored while its four floors were turned into kitchens and wings for officers, soldiers and nursing staff. Beds were placed in great hallways beneath marble columns and soaring curved windows. But this still wasn’t enough. By late February an infectious diseases hospital, to treat an outbreak of measles, was housed at a local skating rink, and there were another 400 patients in a separate venereal disease hospital under canvas at the aerodrome.
Sexually transmitted disease, not war-related violence, was the greatest health risk in the months between December 1914 and April 1915. To try and limit its occurrence, the Australian and British commanding officers decided to create a series of clubs to try and corral their soldiers into an environment that might be safer than letting them loose into the local community.
The biggest soldiers’ club was a converted ice rink at Ezbekiya Gardens in Cairo, which could hold up to 1500 people. It was a honey pot for young soldiers, who knew death was potentially just around the corner and approached life accordingly, and for “beauties from any nations tickled to be escorted by bronzed giants from Down Under”, as one lieutenant would later observe. On Sunday evenings lanterns would sway and twinkle in trees against a sky heavy with the aromatic scents of the East, while the band competed with endless Arabic chants. The streets bustled day and night with a mix of horse-drawn carts and limousines.
On April 17 the officers of the Australian Light Horse hosted a dinner-dance—as a thankyou to the local people for their hospitality but also as a farewell from officers who knew many of their company would die in the coming months as they faced battle for the first time. The dinner was held at the grand Tewfik Palace, its grounds and terraces lit with rows of coloured lights and the ballroom decked with a combination of palm trees and roses. Among the guests were Margaret and Sheila Chisholm, happy to have been reunited with Jack after his arrival and unwilling to consider the worst-case scenario. The next morning Jack and Lionel were among the tens of thousands who left Cairo for the Dardanelles off Turkey, and a week later the fighting began with the ill-fated landing at Gallipoli.
No one was prepared for the reality of war, as an Australian government report prepared in the aftermath recorded:
The weather was beautiful, and anyone might have been easily lulled into a sense of false security. In April however, a trainload of sick arrived. Its contents were not known until it arrived at the Heliopolis siding. The patients had come from Lemnos and numbered over 200 sick. On the following day, however, without notice or warning of any description, wounded began to arrive in appalling numbers. In the first 10 days of the conflict, 16,000 wounded men were brought in to Egypt.
Sheila was a witness to the horror: “The news was appalling, like a nightmare. About 500 wounded were expected but 10,000 arrived.”
A casino was taken over, then a sporting club, a factory, three more luxury hotels, even Prince Ibrahim Khalim’s palace. By the second week of May 1915, the initial plans for one hospital of 520 beds had grown into eleven hospitals housing 10,600 beds, most of which were now being made of palm wood. By the end of August, the wounded and sick would number more than 200,000, handled by a daily staff of fewer than 400.
The crisis was not merely because of a lack of space and facilities but also a lack of staff; many nurses began to break under the strain. Reinforcements were on their way, but there was a desperate need for civilian help. Margaret and Sheila Chisholm were among a number of Australian women who volunteered to stay on and help.
Margaret, or “Ag” as Sheila began calling her mother in gentle mockery of Margaret one day declaring: “Goodness, I am becoming an old hag,” had been working for the Blue Cross taking care of injured horses. She and Sheila also helped establish the Australian Comforts Fund, which provided basic items, such as blankets and socks, for the soldiers at the front; they spent hours each day going from one hospital to another, visiting men they didn’t know, listening to their stories and providing reassurance. Against protests from officialdom, they even provided free cigarettes to convalescing soldiers, rather than force the men to spend their wage of 5 shillings a day on the tobacco they needed to take their minds off the pain and horror.
Sheila worked alongside her mother tending the wounded and dying, much to Ag’s annoyance who thought her daughter, aged nineteen, too young and delicate (“how it bored me to be thought too young”, Sheila would later recall). The young woman, who a few months before had been dressed expensively while attending parties almost nightly and mingling with the upper echelons of London society, was now clad in the practical garb of a hospital volunteer.
But she did not remain unnoticed, particularly when she accidentally destroyed several thermometers by leaving them for too long in boiling water and was relegated to cleaning duties for a period. She would always cringe at any reminder of that particular mistake.
Two decades later, at a reunion of nurses in Adelaide, her contributions would be remembered. Miss Sinclair Wood, principal matron of the Army Nurses Reserve, who was in Egypt when the first wounded came back from Gallipoli would recall:
There were five of us at Mena Hospital, and one night we got word that 248 men were coming. We set to and made up beds, prepared wards, and waited. The men had been in the ship for a week and no one knows what they had gone through. When we got the opportunity to snatch two hours’ sleep some of the Red Cross women, among them Sheila Chisholm, who was one of the loveliest girls I ever saw, came over, rolled up their sleeves and it was wonderful what they did.
A Sunday Times gossip column in early May 1915 described her as one of “four beautiful Australian girls to be seen in Cairo quite recently”. It seemed she could not be mentioned without a comment about her beauty.
Margaret and Sheila had other roles outside the hospital, including organising the delivery of Australian and English newspapers so the men could feel as though they were still a part of the world outside the war. There were even moments of levity in the bleakness of the dusty city. The cable sent to Australia by Margaret to begin an appeal f
or newspapers mangled her surname, which appeared as “Mrs Chicolo”. Not only did papers arrive in their thousands but more than a hundred letters came addressed to Mrs Chicolo, thanking a “foreigner” for her kindness. “Some of the epistles are written in French and Italian, and others from people I know,” she told The Sydney Morning Herald.
In the bloody tide of death that accompanied the Allied invasion of the Gallipoli peninsula during the last weeks of April and the first weeks of May 1915, it is understandable that the details of a bullet wound to an individual soldier would escape the attention of military chroniclers, even though the injured man was a British peer. When a cable about this incident lobbed in London a week later, headed “Sub-Lieutenant FES Lord Loughborough”, it gave scant information about the incident beyond the staccato: “Wounded in action nr. Dardanelles . . . reported from hospital Cairo . . . progressing satisfactorily . . . wounded right shoulder”.
“FES” referred to the young lord’s “regular” name—Francis Edward Scudamore St Clair-Erskine. He was the elder son of the Earl of Rosslyn and heir to a lifetime seat in the House of Lords at Westminster as well as Scottish lands a few kilometres outside Edinburgh, which included the world-famous Rosslyn Chapel.
His injury was inconsequential compared to the thousands of men lying in muddy fields with their innards ripped open or lungs filled with mustard gas; yet such was the British deference to its class system that the young peer’s misadventure made a few lines in a Daily Mirror story which described the military folly as “The magnificent story of the landing of the Allied troops at the Dardanelles and their successful advance against the Turks”.
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