by Dexter Hoyos
being Cartagena); Richardson (1996) 18–19.
14 Climate of Elche: Beltrán (1964) 90. Hamilcar’s death: Diod. 25.10.3–4. Castrum
Altum: Livy 24.41.3 (‘locus est insignis caede magni Hamilcaris’). The great
Livian editor Arnold Drakenborch (1746) proposed ‘Album’ with explicit refer-
ence to Diod. 25.10.3, but without printing it in his text; two later editors,
Kreyssig and Bekker, did print ‘Album’ and the change has been accepted virtu-
ally without discussion since, often and paradoxically with a reference to
Drakenborch (cf. Hoyos (2001b) 80–1).
15 Young Hasdrubal three years Hannibal’s junior: John Tzetzes, Chiliades (Byzan-
tine versification of Diodorus, Dio and Dionysius of Halicarnassus) in Diod.
25.19, lines 9–10 (but he terms them 12 and 15 years old in 229/228, so his accu-
racy is not certain). Mago a young man in 218, ‘trained from boyhood [etc.]’: Pol.
3.71.6. Hamilcar ‘rearing lion-cubs’: Val. Max. 9.3 ext. 2; Zon. 8.21; Cassiod.,
Chronica, Anno Urbis 524.
16 Sosylus and Silenus: Nepos, Hann. 13.3 singles them out as the prime historians
of the war. Sosylus’ fragment, on a sea-battle in Spanish waters, is at FrGH 176
F1. Polybius on Sosylus’ ‘barbershop gossip’, 3.20.5. The romantic notion that
Sosylus was not just Hannibal’s Greek tutor (and only from 221) but his adviser
on warfare (Zecchini (1997)) is quite implausible. Greek mercenary officers in
this era: the famous Philopoemen of Achaea served twice thus in Crete (Pausa-
nias 8.49.7; Plutarch, Philop. 13). Greek mercenary troops in Hannibal’s service,
Pol. 11.19.4.
17Hamilcar spent ‘nearly nine years’ in Spain and died ten years before the Second
Punic War began: Pol. 2.1.7, 3.10.7; cf. Nepos, Hamil. 4.3 ‘nono anno’; Livy
21.2.1 ‘novem annis’. Cf. Lenschau, RE 7.2307–8; de Sanctis, 3.1.393 note 40,
397 note 52; Sumner (1967) 213 note 27; Hoyos (1998) 139; Loreto’s argument
((1995) 213 note 17) that he reached Spain only at the end of 237 is unclear and
implausible. Hasdrubal’s eight years: Pol. 2.36.1; Livy 21.2.1 (‘octo ferme annis’);
Diod. 25.12 gives nine, as also for Antigonus Doson of Macedon (25.18), who
likewise ruled from 229 to 221. Hamilcar’s end: Pol. 2.1.7–8; Diod. 25.10.3–4,
25.12; 25.19, lines 4–21, for Tzetzes’ versified and not entirely faithful retelling.
Other versions: Nepos, Hamil. 4.2; Frontinus, Strat. 2.4.17; Appian, Iber. 5.19–21; Justin 44.5.4; Zon. 8.19. The Orissi/Oretani: Pol 3.33.10 ’Ορ~ητες; Strabo 3.1.6,
C139; 3.3.2, C152; 3.4.1, C156; St. Byz. ’Ωριτανο´ι, citing the second-century BC
geographer Artemidorus; ILS 5901 (attesting an Oretanian bridge over the river
Jabalón about 15 miles/25 kilometres south-east of Ciudad Real); A. Schulten,
RE 18.1018–19 s.v. ‘Oretani’, ‘Oretum’, and (1952) 200–1; Walbank, 1.362;
Alföldy (1987) 37–9, 46–52; Ruiz Rodríguez (1997) 186–8. Castulo and ‘Orisia’
are named as their chief centres by Artemidorus and Strabo; as Castulo—south
of the Sierra Morena and in prime silver-mining country—was surely under
Punic hegemony by 229, the Orissi/Oretani who attacked Hamilcar very proba-
bly came from the Anas river-lands north of the mountains.
18 Ilucia (Livy 35.7.7) is Sumner’s candidate ((1967) 210 note 20), partly because he
locates Acra Leuce in the upper Baetis valley; Ilucia was probably the same as
Ilugo, in the Sierra Morena (Schulten, RE 9.1091, and (1935) 196; Hoyos (2001b)
79). ‘Helice’ as Belchite, south of Saragossa: Beltrán (1964) 91–3. Near Albacete
on the La Mancha plains: Picard (1967) 84. Alce: Livy 40.48.1; Itin. Ant. 445.5
(‘Alces’ between Laminium and Titulcia); E. Hübner, RE 1.1338; it stood some
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30 miles (50 kilometres) south-west of Toletum, at or near modern Villacañas.
Jacob (1985) 260 assumes Helice to be Ilici near Lucentum, with no discussion.
19 Elche de la Sierra: A. García de Bellido in R. Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Historia de
España 1.2 (Madrid 1960) 369; Barceló (1989) 172–3, (1998) 27; criticized by Bel-
trán (1964) 91, because of the terrain’s difficulties. Ilunum, Turbula and Segisa:
Ptolemy, Geogr. 2.6.60, with detailed notes by C. Müller (Paris 1883); Miller
(1916/1964) 181 less plausibly identifies Ilunum with Ilugo, near Castulo.
Arcilacis: Ptolemy 2.4.9 and 2.6.60; E. Hübner, RE 2.602; A. Tovar, Iberische Lan-
deskunde 1: Baetica (Baden-Baden 1974) 181. The final -s is for Greek convenience, like ‘Saltigis’ and ‘Iliturgis’. Ptolemy also repeats, for instance, the later town
Salaria (2.6.58 and 60). Aurinx (Livy 24.42.5)/Orongis (28.3.2, 4.2)/Aurgi: Schul-
ten, RE 18.1160; Scullard (1970) 262 note 60 sees Livy’s two towns as one but
places it nearer the Baetis.
20 Castrum Altum etc.: Livy 24.41.3–11; Hoyos (2001b) 76–83. The two Bigerras:
Müller (1883) 183 on Ptolemy 2.6.60; Schulten (1935) 84. Bogorra on the river
Madera (Müller calls it ‘Bigorra’) lies in the Sierra de Alcaraz, not far north-west
of Elche de la Sierra but across very rugged mountains ( Nuevo Atlas de España
(Madrid 1961) 307). Müller (183, cf. 180) places the other Bigorra at ‘Becerra’
near the upper Baetis/Guadalquivir, in fact Peal de Becerro 15 miles (24 kilo-
metres) east of Úbeda (Hoyos (2001b) 82). Campaign debatable: Lazenby (1978)
129; Seibert, Hann. 251–2 (under date 215); cf. below, chapter XI §III.
21 That the king of the Orissi offered to mediate between Hamilcar and the defend-
ers of ‘Helice’ and that Hamilcar then agreed to retreat, only to be attacked en
route (Picard (1967) 84; Lancel, Hann. 67), is a very odd misreading of Diodorus.
The oxen and burning wagons (in Frontinus, Appian and Zonaras) are accepted
by Tarn (1930) 92; Sumner (1967) 209 note 11. ‘Vettones’: Nepos, Hamil. 4.2.
Hamilcar’s age: cf. chapter II note 2.
22 ‘Totam locupletavit Africam’, Nepos, Hamil. 4.1. Polybius on Hamilcar: e.g.
1.62.3, 64.6; 2.1.7; 3.9.6–12.4. Diod. 24.5, 9.3, 13; 25.3.1, 8, 10. Cato on Hamilcar,
note 11 above; Livy 21.1.3–2.2; Silius 1.70–119, 13.732–51.
23 Fabius Pictor’s strictures on Hasdrubal: Pol. 3.8.1–5. Rule by first citizen, cf.
Thucydides 2.65.9. Barcid coins: e.g. Robinson (1956/1978); J. Navascués in
Homenaje al Profesor C. de Mergelina (Murcia 1961–2) 665–86; Villaronga (1973)
45–63; Acquaro (1974), (1983–4); Sznycer (1978) 566–7; Picard (1983–4) 76–9;
Scullard (1989b) 25, 39–40; Blázquez and García (1991) 47–50; Seibert, FzH 42
note 179; Lancel, Hann. (1995) 71.
24 Pol. 3.14.10.
V I H A S D R U B A L ’ S C O N S O L I DA T I O N
1 Diod. 25.12 (‘broke camp’, ’αναζε´υσας, military term); Pol. 2.1.9; Appian, Iber.
6.22. Hasdrubal, younger than Hamilcar on all the evidence, yet enjoying major
political influence as early as 241, was surely born no later than 270. Huss infers
from the 100 elephants, plus Appian’s report of the Carthaginians then sending
‘another army’ to Spain, that when Hamilcar perished he was in Africa ((1985)
274); but Appian writes that he was in Spain. In any case it was wintertime—were
Hasdrubal in Africa he would have had to stay there for months
. For Lascuta,
Scullard (1974) 156.
2 ‘By both the army and the Carthaginians’, ‘υπ´ο τε το~υ λαο~υ κα`ι Καρχηδον´ιων: λα´ος
can also mean the ‘people’ (as at Diod. 22.2.2) but both context here and com-
parison with Hannibal’s later election point to the other meaning (as at 22.8.2);
cf. Huss, 274. When an earlier general Mago was killed in Sicily in 383, ‘the
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Carthaginians’—his citizen troops?—gave him a splendid funeral there and
installed his son as general (Diod. 15.15–16). Hasdrubal chosen by the citizen
soldiery: cf. Warmington (1964) 207. Citizen troops and officers in Barcid times:
Pol. 1.73.1, 75.2, 79.2, 87.3; 7.9.1 and 4 (Hannibal’s treaty with Macedon);
15.11.2–3; Livy 21.5.5, 30.33.5; Appian, Lib. 9.35, 40.170. Except in North
African wars, most military Carthaginians in this era were probably officers, for
no citizen fighting-units are attested. On Punic citizen soldiers generally: Amel-
ing (1993) chapter VII.
3 Hasdrubal and Orissi: Diod. 25.12. Fourteen towns: Ptolemy 2.6.58. Eucken
(1968) 84 disbelieves the total for elephants and thinks Diodorus’ troop numbers
represent Punic Spain’s total potential manpower, but it would be better to sup-
pose that these were Hasdrubal’s total forces in arms and that he used only part
of them against the Orissi. Other units would keep watch over other regions of
the province.
4 Diod., 25.12. Congress: Picard (1967) 86, 141; cf. Huss (1985) 275, ‘die stimm-
berechtigten Angehörigen der iberischen Stämme’. Dionysius of Syracuse et al.
elected strat. aut. : N. G. L. Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 BC (Oxford 1959)
472 (Dionysius), 518 (Dion and his brother); Eucken (1968) 85; K. Meister,
OCD 3 37, s.v. Agathocles; B. M. Caven, ibid. 476, s.v. Dion; B. D. Hoyos,
Antichthon 19 (1985) 39–40. Silenus, etc.: Hoyos (1998) 280–1.
5 Alexander as hegemon: A. B. Bosworth, Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander
the Great (Cambridge 1988) 189–91. Pyrrhus: P. R. Franke, CAH 2 7.2 (1989) 479.
Antigonus and Aratus: Pol. 2.54.4; Plutarch, Aratus 41.1; Walbank, 1.252–6. Sena-
tors from Carthage: cf. Pol. 7.9.1 and 4 (σ´υνεδροι, γερουσιαστα´ι); Walbank,
1.334–5, 2.44–5; Hoyos (1994) 257. Officers in the advisory council: Pol. 3.71.5,
9.24.5; Livy 22.51.4; Walbank, 2.153.
6 Fabius Pictor in Pol. 3.8.2–4 (my translation). Diodorus’ excerpts do not mention
the episode though Diodorus’ original may have. ‘Feeling suspicious’, ‘υπιδ´οµενον
(8.4; unnecessarily amplified by Paton’s Loeb translation into ‘suspicious of their
intentions’; similarly Scott-Kilvert’s Penguin). Episode disbelieved by, e.g., de
Sanctis, 3.1.398; Huss (1985) 275 note 56; Seibert, Hann. 41–2.
7Flaminius’ bill in 232: Broughton, MRR 1.225; Barcid generals’ position vis-à-vis
Carthage: Ameling (1993) 101–7; Hoyos (1994) 246–59, cf. (1998) 150–1.
‘Among the Carthaginians [etc.]’: Pol. 6.51.6. On the supposed democratic revo-
lution of 237: Hoyos (1994) 262–70, as against for example Picard (1968).
Citizenship to foreigners: Ennius, Annales 234–5, ed. Skutsch, as emended by
Skutsch, 414–16 (= 276–7 Warmington, with slight textual differences); Livy
21.45.6. Tribunal of One Hundred and Four: chapter II §III.
8 Fate of son of Gisco: chapter XIII note 16. In Aristotle’s time lawsuits were
judged by one or more of the Boards of Five (Pol. 2.11.7, 1273a); possibly these
boards were given other jobs to do by Hasdrubal—or were abolished. By 193 the
sufetes themselves heard cases (Livy 34.61.15; cf. chapter XV §V) and it is not
known when this started. Groag thinks Hasdrubal sought to reform the tribunal
of One Hundred and Four but failed ((1929) 27 note 3, 119), while Picard
((1968), cf. (1967) 75–7, 216–17) credits Hamilcar with it: above, chapter IV
note 2.
9 Power and arrogance of the ‘ordo iudicum’ by 196: Livy 33.46.1. Fabius Pictor
blamed Hannibal alone, as Hasdrubal’s heir in wilfulness, for the Second Punic
War: Pol. 3.8.5–8. Punic envoys to Scipio Africanus in 203 were already blaming
him: Livy 30.16.5; cf. Hoyos (1998) 151. For contacts between third-century Fabii
and at least one aristocratic Carthaginian house: Livy 27.16.5; Hoyos, 151. Hanno
still survived in 203 according to Appian, actively anti-Barcid as ever ( Lib. 34.145).
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10 Diod. 25.12; Pol. 2.13.1 (cf. Walbank, 1.167). Καιν`η π´ολις at e.g. 3.13.7, 15.3, 33.5,
56.3, 76.11; 10.7.5. Καρχηδ ´ων, sometimes defined as ‘η ’εν ’Ιβηρ´ια or the like, at e.g.
ι
10.6.8, 8.6, 16.1; 11.31.1.
11 Thus Groag (1929) 29; much more colourfully Picard (1967) 86–7, ‘l’audace [i.e.
du nom] était presque sacrilège’, ‘Asdrubal . . . créait une troisième Tyr’; cf. Picard
and Picard, LDC 219. More cautiously Schwarte (1983) 59; Lancel (1992) 398.
Fabius’ claim, note 6 above. Mastia: chapter IV note 13.
12 Hasdrubal’s palace and alleged royal aspiration (φ´ασιν, ‘they say’): Pol. 10.10.9.
Neapolis (Nabeul): Gsell, HAAN 2.141; Huss (1985) 72, noting that the Punic
name could have been Qart-hadasht. Neapolis-Macomades: Gsell, 2.126;
Schwabe, RE 14 (1928) 161; Huss, 72 (‘Mqmhds [i.e. Maqom-hadasht] = neuer
Ort’). Another Macomades lay some 190 miles (300 kilometres) east of Lepcis
Magna, with the alternative name of Pyrgos Euphranta (Gsell, 2.118–20;
Schwabe, ibid. ). Numidia had one between Cirta and Theveste, about 190 miles
south-west of Carthage: Dessau, RE 16 (1935) 161, also registering a Macomadia
Rusticiana of Roman date. Lepcis Magna another ‘Neapolis’: Pseudo-Scylax,
Periplus ( ca. 325 BC) 110 (cf. Müller (1855/1965) 1.87); Strabo 17.3.18, C835;
Ptolemy, Geogr. 4.3.13; Gsell, 2.121; Windberg, RE 16 (1935) 2131. Ptolemy’s
‘Old Carthage’ in north-east Spain (2.6.63) as probably Strabo’s little-known Car-
talia (3.4.6, C159): Müller (1883) 187; Schulten, FHA 6.233; Jacob (1985) 265
tentatively identifies Ptolemy’s entry with Onusa/Oinoussa and as today’s Peñís-
cola just south of the Ebro estuary. Citium in Cyprus originally a Qart-hadasht:
Kl P 3.223–4. Aristotle on Carthaginian colonies: chapter II note 10. Carthage’s
‘Neapolis’ district: Diod. 20.44.1 and 5; Lancel (1992) 160–1. Cf. too a suggested
Phoenician origin for Neapolis in Sardinia: S. Moscati, Fenici e Cartaginesi in
Sardegna (Milan 1968) 61–2 (against this, E. Lipinski in Devijver and Lipinski
(1985) 69).
13 Link: Huss (1985) 276. Romans impressed: Pol. 2.13.3–4.
14 Polybius describes New Carthage at 10.9.8–11.4; cf. Walbank, 2.205–12; Scullard
(1970) 48–55. Silver mines: Pol. 34.9.8. Appian somehow acquired the notion
that Hannibal was the founder, and did so on the site of Saguntum ( Iber. 12.47).
15 Diod. 25.12; St. Byz., s.v. ’Ακκαβικ`ον τε~ιχος (p. 60 Meineke); Jacob (1985) 253, 356,
pointing to another city that Stephanus reports near the straits, with the interest-
ing name of Τρ´ιτη (‘Third’: St. Byz., 638), which Jacob thinks may really be
another name for Accabicon and would mark it as a Punic foundation after Acra
Leuce and New Carthage. Interestingly if enigmatically, Stephanus registers ‘Cac-
cabe’, Κακκ´αβη, as one of various alternative names for Carthage in North Africa
(s.v. Καρχ´ηδων; Huss (1985) 38 note 5). Conceivably Accabicon Teichos,
embodying Semitic akaba ‘landing place’ according to Jacob (253), might be a
similarly alternative name, from some source, for New Carthage. Positioning it
‘by the Pillars of Hercules’ would then count as a very rough approximation.
16 Tiar: Itin. Ant. 401. The Teari or Tiari Iulienses of Pliny ( NH 3.23) and Ptolemy’s Tiar Iulia (2.6.63) must have been a different community further north (Schulten,
RE 4A (1934) 99–100 s.v. ‘Tear [2]’; 6A (1936) 761 s.v. ‘Tiar [2]’)—unless both
writers have made a mistake about the site, which is possible: cf. B. D. Hoyos,
Historia 28 (1979) 449–53, on Baetican mislocations by both. As for the name
Tiar, besides the name-form Tharros in Punic Sardinia compare also the well-
known Mactar in Punic North Africa. Schulten also (761) views the name Tiar as
non-Iberian, though he links it to places in the Aegean.
17Pol. 2.13.3–4; Walbank, 1.168. Polybius on the Barcid revenge-war plan (first at
2.36.4): chapter V notes 8–9. Date of the accord with Hasdrubal: Hoyos (1998)
156–8.
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18 The Romans ‘smoothing down and conciliating’ Hasdrubal: Pol. 2.13.5–7.
Roman dispositions in 225: 2.23.6, 24.1, 27.1; Walbank, 1.196–203; Seibert,
Hann. 48–9; Bender (1997) 96–8; Hoyos (1998) 156–7. Romans saw their
chances on a knife-edge: cf. Pol. 2.22.7–8 on how ‘they were falling into constant
terrors and alarms’ and making furious preparations, well before the Gauls had
even stirred from their own land; cf. 2.15.5, and Diod. 25.11.2 with Walton’s
note. Against the notion that the accord with Hasdrubal was influenced or even
prompted by Massilia (still in Lancel, Hann. 74–5; Rich (1996) 20–1; Bender,
95–6) see Barceló (1996) 47–9; Hoyos, 170–1.
19 No Roman approach to authorities at Carthage: this emerges from Pol. 3.21.1–2;
cf. Walbank, 1.169–70; Hoyos (1998) 154–5. ‘Carthaginians not to cross’: Poly-