Hannibal's Dynasty

by Dexter Hoyos

  being Cartagena); Richardson (1996) 18–19.

  14 Climate of Elche: Beltrán (1964) 90. Hamilcar’s death: Diod. 25.10.3–4. Castrum

  Altum: Livy 24.41.3 (‘locus est insignis caede magni Hamilcaris’). The great

  Livian editor Arnold Drakenborch (1746) proposed ‘Album’ with explicit refer-

  ence to Diod. 25.10.3, but without printing it in his text; two later editors,

  Kreyssig and Bekker, did print ‘Album’ and the change has been accepted virtu-

  ally without discussion since, often and paradoxically with a reference to

  Drakenborch (cf. Hoyos (2001b) 80–1).

  15 Young Hasdrubal three years Hannibal’s junior: John Tzetzes, Chiliades (Byzan-

  tine versification of Diodorus, Dio and Dionysius of Halicarnassus) in Diod.

  25.19, lines 9–10 (but he terms them 12 and 15 years old in 229/228, so his accu-

  racy is not certain). Mago a young man in 218, ‘trained from boyhood [etc.]’: Pol.

  3.71.6. Hamilcar ‘rearing lion-cubs’: Val. Max. 9.3 ext. 2; Zon. 8.21; Cassiod.,

  Chronica, Anno Urbis 524.

  16 Sosylus and Silenus: Nepos, Hann. 13.3 singles them out as the prime historians

  of the war. Sosylus’ fragment, on a sea-battle in Spanish waters, is at FrGH 176

  F1. Polybius on Sosylus’ ‘barbershop gossip’, 3.20.5. The romantic notion that

  Sosylus was not just Hannibal’s Greek tutor (and only from 221) but his adviser

  on warfare (Zecchini (1997)) is quite implausible. Greek mercenary officers in

  this era: the famous Philopoemen of Achaea served twice thus in Crete (Pausa-

  nias 8.49.7; Plutarch, Philop. 13). Greek mercenary troops in Hannibal’s service,

  Pol. 11.19.4.

  17Hamilcar spent ‘nearly nine years’ in Spain and died ten years before the Second

  Punic War began: Pol. 2.1.7, 3.10.7; cf. Nepos, Hamil. 4.3 ‘nono anno’; Livy

  21.2.1 ‘novem annis’. Cf. Lenschau, RE 7.2307–8; de Sanctis, 3.1.393 note 40,

  397 note 52; Sumner (1967) 213 note 27; Hoyos (1998) 139; Loreto’s argument

  ((1995) 213 note 17) that he reached Spain only at the end of 237 is unclear and

  implausible. Hasdrubal’s eight years: Pol. 2.36.1; Livy 21.2.1 (‘octo ferme annis’);

  Diod. 25.12 gives nine, as also for Antigonus Doson of Macedon (25.18), who

  likewise ruled from 229 to 221. Hamilcar’s end: Pol. 2.1.7–8; Diod. 25.10.3–4,

  25.12; 25.19, lines 4–21, for Tzetzes’ versified and not entirely faithful retelling.

  Other versions: Nepos, Hamil. 4.2; Frontinus, Strat. 2.4.17; Appian, Iber. 5.19–21; Justin 44.5.4; Zon. 8.19. The Orissi/Oretani: Pol 3.33.10 ’Ορ~ητες; Strabo 3.1.6,

  C139; 3.3.2, C152; 3.4.1, C156; St. Byz. ’Ωριτανο´ι, citing the second-century BC

  geographer Artemidorus; ILS 5901 (attesting an Oretanian bridge over the river

  Jabalón about 15 miles/25 kilometres south-east of Ciudad Real); A. Schulten,

  RE 18.1018–19 s.v. ‘Oretani’, ‘Oretum’, and (1952) 200–1; Walbank, 1.362;

  Alföldy (1987) 37–9, 46–52; Ruiz Rodríguez (1997) 186–8. Castulo and ‘Orisia’

  are named as their chief centres by Artemidorus and Strabo; as Castulo—south

  of the Sierra Morena and in prime silver-mining country—was surely under

  Punic hegemony by 229, the Orissi/Oretani who attacked Hamilcar very proba-

  bly came from the Anas river-lands north of the mountains.

  18 Ilucia (Livy 35.7.7) is Sumner’s candidate ((1967) 210 note 20), partly because he

  locates Acra Leuce in the upper Baetis valley; Ilucia was probably the same as

  Ilugo, in the Sierra Morena (Schulten, RE 9.1091, and (1935) 196; Hoyos (2001b)

  79). ‘Helice’ as Belchite, south of Saragossa: Beltrán (1964) 91–3. Near Albacete

  on the La Mancha plains: Picard (1967) 84. Alce: Livy 40.48.1; Itin. Ant. 445.5

  (‘Alces’ between Laminium and Titulcia); E. Hübner, RE 1.1338; it stood some

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  30 miles (50 kilometres) south-west of Toletum, at or near modern Villacañas.

  Jacob (1985) 260 assumes Helice to be Ilici near Lucentum, with no discussion.

  19 Elche de la Sierra: A. García de Bellido in R. Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Historia de

  España 1.2 (Madrid 1960) 369; Barceló (1989) 172–3, (1998) 27; criticized by Bel-

  trán (1964) 91, because of the terrain’s difficulties. Ilunum, Turbula and Segisa:

  Ptolemy, Geogr. 2.6.60, with detailed notes by C. Müller (Paris 1883); Miller

  (1916/1964) 181 less plausibly identifies Ilunum with Ilugo, near Castulo.

  Arcilacis: Ptolemy 2.4.9 and 2.6.60; E. Hübner, RE 2.602; A. Tovar, Iberische Lan-

  deskunde 1: Baetica (Baden-Baden 1974) 181. The final -s is for Greek convenience, like ‘Saltigis’ and ‘Iliturgis’. Ptolemy also repeats, for instance, the later town

  Salaria (2.6.58 and 60). Aurinx (Livy 24.42.5)/Orongis (28.3.2, 4.2)/Aurgi: Schul-

  ten, RE 18.1160; Scullard (1970) 262 note 60 sees Livy’s two towns as one but

  places it nearer the Baetis.

  20 Castrum Altum etc.: Livy 24.41.3–11; Hoyos (2001b) 76–83. The two Bigerras:

  Müller (1883) 183 on Ptolemy 2.6.60; Schulten (1935) 84. Bogorra on the river

  Madera (Müller calls it ‘Bigorra’) lies in the Sierra de Alcaraz, not far north-west

  of Elche de la Sierra but across very rugged mountains ( Nuevo Atlas de España

  (Madrid 1961) 307). Müller (183, cf. 180) places the other Bigorra at ‘Becerra’

  near the upper Baetis/Guadalquivir, in fact Peal de Becerro 15 miles (24 kilo-

  metres) east of Úbeda (Hoyos (2001b) 82). Campaign debatable: Lazenby (1978)

  129; Seibert, Hann. 251–2 (under date 215); cf. below, chapter XI §III.

  21 That the king of the Orissi offered to mediate between Hamilcar and the defend-

  ers of ‘Helice’ and that Hamilcar then agreed to retreat, only to be attacked en

  route (Picard (1967) 84; Lancel, Hann. 67), is a very odd misreading of Diodorus.

  The oxen and burning wagons (in Frontinus, Appian and Zonaras) are accepted

  by Tarn (1930) 92; Sumner (1967) 209 note 11. ‘Vettones’: Nepos, Hamil. 4.2.

  Hamilcar’s age: cf. chapter II note 2.

  22 ‘Totam locupletavit Africam’, Nepos, Hamil. 4.1. Polybius on Hamilcar: e.g.

  1.62.3, 64.6; 2.1.7; 3.9.6–12.4. Diod. 24.5, 9.3, 13; 25.3.1, 8, 10. Cato on Hamilcar,

  note 11 above; Livy 21.1.3–2.2; Silius 1.70–119, 13.732–51.

  23 Fabius Pictor’s strictures on Hasdrubal: Pol. 3.8.1–5. Rule by first citizen, cf.

  Thucydides 2.65.9. Barcid coins: e.g. Robinson (1956/1978); J. Navascués in

  Homenaje al Profesor C. de Mergelina (Murcia 1961–2) 665–86; Villaronga (1973)

  45–63; Acquaro (1974), (1983–4); Sznycer (1978) 566–7; Picard (1983–4) 76–9;

  Scullard (1989b) 25, 39–40; Blázquez and García (1991) 47–50; Seibert, FzH 42

  note 179; Lancel, Hann. (1995) 71.

  24 Pol. 3.14.10.

  V I H A S D R U B A L ’ S C O N S O L I DA T I O N

  1 Diod. 25.12 (‘broke camp’, ’αναζε´υσας, military term); Pol. 2.1.9; Appian, Iber.

  6.22. Hasdrubal, younger than Hamilcar on all the evidence, yet enjoying major

  political influence as early as 241, was surely born no later than 270. Huss infers

  from the 100 elephants, plus Appian’s report of the Carthaginians then sending

  ‘another army’ to Spain, that when Hamilcar perished he was in Africa ((1985)

  274); but Appian writes that he was in Spain. In any case it was wintertime—were

  Hasdrubal in Africa he would have had to stay there for months
. For Lascuta,

  Scullard (1974) 156.

  2 ‘By both the army and the Carthaginians’, ‘υπ´ο τε το~υ λαο~υ κα`ι Καρχηδον´ιων: λα´ος

  can also mean the ‘people’ (as at Diod. 22.2.2) but both context here and com-

  parison with Hannibal’s later election point to the other meaning (as at 22.8.2);

  cf. Huss, 274. When an earlier general Mago was killed in Sicily in 383, ‘the

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  Carthaginians’—his citizen troops?—gave him a splendid funeral there and

  installed his son as general (Diod. 15.15–16). Hasdrubal chosen by the citizen

  soldiery: cf. Warmington (1964) 207. Citizen troops and officers in Barcid times:

  Pol. 1.73.1, 75.2, 79.2, 87.3; 7.9.1 and 4 (Hannibal’s treaty with Macedon);

  15.11.2–3; Livy 21.5.5, 30.33.5; Appian, Lib. 9.35, 40.170. Except in North

  African wars, most military Carthaginians in this era were probably officers, for

  no citizen fighting-units are attested. On Punic citizen soldiers generally: Amel-

  ing (1993) chapter VII.

  3 Hasdrubal and Orissi: Diod. 25.12. Fourteen towns: Ptolemy 2.6.58. Eucken

  (1968) 84 disbelieves the total for elephants and thinks Diodorus’ troop numbers

  represent Punic Spain’s total potential manpower, but it would be better to sup-

  pose that these were Hasdrubal’s total forces in arms and that he used only part

  of them against the Orissi. Other units would keep watch over other regions of

  the province.

  4 Diod., 25.12. Congress: Picard (1967) 86, 141; cf. Huss (1985) 275, ‘die stimm-

  berechtigten Angehörigen der iberischen Stämme’. Dionysius of Syracuse et al.

  elected strat. aut. : N. G. L. Hammond, A History of Greece to 322 BC (Oxford 1959)

  472 (Dionysius), 518 (Dion and his brother); Eucken (1968) 85; K. Meister,

  OCD 3 37, s.v. Agathocles; B. M. Caven, ibid. 476, s.v. Dion; B. D. Hoyos,

  Antichthon 19 (1985) 39–40. Silenus, etc.: Hoyos (1998) 280–1.

  5 Alexander as hegemon: A. B. Bosworth, Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander

  the Great (Cambridge 1988) 189–91. Pyrrhus: P. R. Franke, CAH 2 7.2 (1989) 479.

  Antigonus and Aratus: Pol. 2.54.4; Plutarch, Aratus 41.1; Walbank, 1.252–6. Sena-

  tors from Carthage: cf. Pol. 7.9.1 and 4 (σ´υνεδροι, γερουσιαστα´ι); Walbank,

  1.334–5, 2.44–5; Hoyos (1994) 257. Officers in the advisory council: Pol. 3.71.5,

  9.24.5; Livy 22.51.4; Walbank, 2.153.

  6 Fabius Pictor in Pol. 3.8.2–4 (my translation). Diodorus’ excerpts do not mention

  the episode though Diodorus’ original may have. ‘Feeling suspicious’, ‘υπιδ´οµενον

  (8.4; unnecessarily amplified by Paton’s Loeb translation into ‘suspicious of their

  intentions’; similarly Scott-Kilvert’s Penguin). Episode disbelieved by, e.g., de

  Sanctis, 3.1.398; Huss (1985) 275 note 56; Seibert, Hann. 41–2.

  7Flaminius’ bill in 232: Broughton, MRR 1.225; Barcid generals’ position vis-à-vis

  Carthage: Ameling (1993) 101–7; Hoyos (1994) 246–59, cf. (1998) 150–1.

  ‘Among the Carthaginians [etc.]’: Pol. 6.51.6. On the supposed democratic revo-

  lution of 237: Hoyos (1994) 262–70, as against for example Picard (1968).

  Citizenship to foreigners: Ennius, Annales 234–5, ed. Skutsch, as emended by

  Skutsch, 414–16 (= 276–7 Warmington, with slight textual differences); Livy

  21.45.6. Tribunal of One Hundred and Four: chapter II §III.

  8 Fate of son of Gisco: chapter XIII note 16. In Aristotle’s time lawsuits were

  judged by one or more of the Boards of Five (Pol. 2.11.7, 1273a); possibly these

  boards were given other jobs to do by Hasdrubal—or were abolished. By 193 the

  sufetes themselves heard cases (Livy 34.61.15; cf. chapter XV §V) and it is not

  known when this started. Groag thinks Hasdrubal sought to reform the tribunal

  of One Hundred and Four but failed ((1929) 27 note 3, 119), while Picard

  ((1968), cf. (1967) 75–7, 216–17) credits Hamilcar with it: above, chapter IV

  note 2.

  9 Power and arrogance of the ‘ordo iudicum’ by 196: Livy 33.46.1. Fabius Pictor

  blamed Hannibal alone, as Hasdrubal’s heir in wilfulness, for the Second Punic

  War: Pol. 3.8.5–8. Punic envoys to Scipio Africanus in 203 were already blaming

  him: Livy 30.16.5; cf. Hoyos (1998) 151. For contacts between third-century Fabii

  and at least one aristocratic Carthaginian house: Livy 27.16.5; Hoyos, 151. Hanno

  still survived in 203 according to Appian, actively anti-Barcid as ever ( Lib. 34.145).

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  10 Diod. 25.12; Pol. 2.13.1 (cf. Walbank, 1.167). Καιν`η π´ολις at e.g. 3.13.7, 15.3, 33.5,

  56.3, 76.11; 10.7.5. Καρχηδ ´ων, sometimes defined as ‘η ’εν ’Ιβηρ´ια or the like, at e.g.

  ι

  10.6.8, 8.6, 16.1; 11.31.1.

  11 Thus Groag (1929) 29; much more colourfully Picard (1967) 86–7, ‘l’audace [i.e.

  du nom] était presque sacrilège’, ‘Asdrubal . . . créait une troisième Tyr’; cf. Picard

  and Picard, LDC 219. More cautiously Schwarte (1983) 59; Lancel (1992) 398.

  Fabius’ claim, note 6 above. Mastia: chapter IV note 13.

  12 Hasdrubal’s palace and alleged royal aspiration (φ´ασιν, ‘they say’): Pol. 10.10.9.

  Neapolis (Nabeul): Gsell, HAAN 2.141; Huss (1985) 72, noting that the Punic

  name could have been Qart-hadasht. Neapolis-Macomades: Gsell, 2.126;

  Schwabe, RE 14 (1928) 161; Huss, 72 (‘Mqmhds [i.e. Maqom-hadasht] = neuer

  Ort’). Another Macomades lay some 190 miles (300 kilometres) east of Lepcis

  Magna, with the alternative name of Pyrgos Euphranta (Gsell, 2.118–20;

  Schwabe, ibid. ). Numidia had one between Cirta and Theveste, about 190 miles

  south-west of Carthage: Dessau, RE 16 (1935) 161, also registering a Macomadia

  Rusticiana of Roman date. Lepcis Magna another ‘Neapolis’: Pseudo-Scylax,

  Periplus ( ca. 325 BC) 110 (cf. Müller (1855/1965) 1.87); Strabo 17.3.18, C835;

  Ptolemy, Geogr. 4.3.13; Gsell, 2.121; Windberg, RE 16 (1935) 2131. Ptolemy’s

  ‘Old Carthage’ in north-east Spain (2.6.63) as probably Strabo’s little-known Car-

  talia (3.4.6, C159): Müller (1883) 187; Schulten, FHA 6.233; Jacob (1985) 265

  tentatively identifies Ptolemy’s entry with Onusa/Oinoussa and as today’s Peñís-

  cola just south of the Ebro estuary. Citium in Cyprus originally a Qart-hadasht:

  Kl P 3.223–4. Aristotle on Carthaginian colonies: chapter II note 10. Carthage’s

  ‘Neapolis’ district: Diod. 20.44.1 and 5; Lancel (1992) 160–1. Cf. too a suggested

  Phoenician origin for Neapolis in Sardinia: S. Moscati, Fenici e Cartaginesi in

  Sardegna (Milan 1968) 61–2 (against this, E. Lipinski in Devijver and Lipinski

  (1985) 69).

  13 Link: Huss (1985) 276. Romans impressed: Pol. 2.13.3–4.

  14 Polybius describes New Carthage at 10.9.8–11.4; cf. Walbank, 2.205–12; Scullard

  (1970) 48–55. Silver mines: Pol. 34.9.8. Appian somehow acquired the notion

  that Hannibal was the founder, and did so on the site of Saguntum ( Iber. 12.47).

  15 Diod. 25.12; St. Byz., s.v. ’Ακκαβικ`ον τε~ιχος (p. 60 Meineke); Jacob (1985) 253, 356,

  pointing to another city that Stephanus reports near the straits, with the interest-

  ing name of Τρ´ιτη (‘Third’: St. Byz., 638), which Jacob thinks may really be


  another name for Accabicon and would mark it as a Punic foundation after Acra

  Leuce and New Carthage. Interestingly if enigmatically, Stephanus registers ‘Cac-

  cabe’, Κακκ´αβη, as one of various alternative names for Carthage in North Africa

  (s.v. Καρχ´ηδων; Huss (1985) 38 note 5). Conceivably Accabicon Teichos,

  embodying Semitic akaba ‘landing place’ according to Jacob (253), might be a

  similarly alternative name, from some source, for New Carthage. Positioning it

  ‘by the Pillars of Hercules’ would then count as a very rough approximation.

  16 Tiar: Itin. Ant. 401. The Teari or Tiari Iulienses of Pliny ( NH 3.23) and Ptolemy’s Tiar Iulia (2.6.63) must have been a different community further north (Schulten,

  RE 4A (1934) 99–100 s.v. ‘Tear [2]’; 6A (1936) 761 s.v. ‘Tiar [2]’)—unless both

  writers have made a mistake about the site, which is possible: cf. B. D. Hoyos,

  Historia 28 (1979) 449–53, on Baetican mislocations by both. As for the name

  Tiar, besides the name-form Tharros in Punic Sardinia compare also the well-

  known Mactar in Punic North Africa. Schulten also (761) views the name Tiar as

  non-Iberian, though he links it to places in the Aegean.

  17Pol. 2.13.3–4; Walbank, 1.168. Polybius on the Barcid revenge-war plan (first at

  2.36.4): chapter V notes 8–9. Date of the accord with Hasdrubal: Hoyos (1998)

  156–8.

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  18 The Romans ‘smoothing down and conciliating’ Hasdrubal: Pol. 2.13.5–7.

  Roman dispositions in 225: 2.23.6, 24.1, 27.1; Walbank, 1.196–203; Seibert,

  Hann. 48–9; Bender (1997) 96–8; Hoyos (1998) 156–7. Romans saw their

  chances on a knife-edge: cf. Pol. 2.22.7–8 on how ‘they were falling into constant

  terrors and alarms’ and making furious preparations, well before the Gauls had

  even stirred from their own land; cf. 2.15.5, and Diod. 25.11.2 with Walton’s

  note. Against the notion that the accord with Hasdrubal was influenced or even

  prompted by Massilia (still in Lancel, Hann. 74–5; Rich (1996) 20–1; Bender,

  95–6) see Barceló (1996) 47–9; Hoyos, 170–1.

  19 No Roman approach to authorities at Carthage: this emerges from Pol. 3.21.1–2;

  cf. Walbank, 1.169–70; Hoyos (1998) 154–5. ‘Carthaginians not to cross’: Poly-