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American Holocaust Page 48

by David E. Stannardx


  52. Hirsch, “Collision of Military Cultures,” 1191.

  53. John Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War (Boston: Kneeland & Green, 1736), p. 21.

  54. On the smallpox epidemic, see John Winthrop, Winthrop’s Journal, ed. James Kendall Hosmer (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908), Volume One, pp. 118–19.

  55. Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian Hating and Empire Building (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), pp. 35–45, provides a concise and powerful description of the Pequot War. My account is drawn from Drinnon and from that of Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), pp. 202–27. Another account, with some provocative interpretations, is in Ann Kibbey, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism: A Study of Rhetoric, Prejudice, and Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 92–120. For differing views on Oldham’s reputation, compare Drinnon, p. 37 and Jennings, p. 206.

  56. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 210.

  57. Underhill, Newes from America, p. 7.

  58. Ibid., p. 9.

  59. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 212.

  60. Mason, Brief History, p. 7.

  61. Ibid., p. 8.

  62. Ibid., pp. 9–10.

  63. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 222.

  64. Underhill, Newes from America, pp. 39–40.

  65. Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, p. 296.

  66. Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana; or, The Ecclesiastic History of New-England [1702] (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), Volume Two, p. 558; Mason, Brief History, p. 10.

  67. Underhill, Newes from America, p. 43.

  68. Drinnon, Facing West, p. 45.

  69. Ibid., p. 47.

  70. Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands: The Origins of American Racism (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1978), pp. 339–40. For a stimulating analysis of the complex relationship between imperialism and place-naming, see Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Exploration of Landscape and History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), passim, but esp. pp. 63–68, 326–31.

  71. So close to totality was the colonists’ mass murder of Pequot men, women, and children that it is now popularly believed that all the Pequots in fact were exterminated. Some, however, found their way to live among neighboring tribes, and in time to resurrect themselves as Pequots. For discussion of these matters, including the state of the Pequot nation today, see Laurence M. Hauptman and James D. Wherry, eds., The Pequots in Southern New England: The Fall and Rise of an American Indian Nation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990).

  72. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 46–47.

  73. Richard Slotkin and James K. Folsom, eds., So Dreadful a Judgment: Puritan Responses to King Philip’s War, 1676–1677 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1978), p. 381.

  74. A True Account of the Most Considerable Occurrences that have Hapned in the Wane Between the English and the Indians in New England (London, 1676), pp. 3–4.

  75. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 227.

  76. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1958), p. 237.

  77. A True Account, pp. 7–9.

  78. Ibid., p. 6.

  79. “John Easton’s Relacion,” in Charles H. Lincoln, ed., Narratives of the Indian Wars, 1675–1699 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 14, 16. Spelling in text is modernized.

  80. Increase Mather, A Brief History of the Warr With the Indians in New-England (Boston, 1676), reprinted in Slotkin and Folsom, So Dreadful a Judgment, p. 142.

  81. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, pp. 226–27.

  82. Cotton Mather, Fair Weather (Boston, 1692), p. 86.

  83. Sarah Kemble Knight, The Journal of Madam Knight (Boston: David R. Godine, 1972), pp. 21–22.

  84. Dean R. Snow and Kim M. Lamphear, “European Contact and Indian Depopulation in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics,” Ethnohistory, 35 (1988), p. 24, Table 1.

  85. Colin G. Calloway, The Western Abenaki of Vermont, 1600–1800: War, Migration, and the Survival of an Indian People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), pp. 129–30. Calloway, it should be noted, thinks the contemporary report on some of these peoples’ lower numbers should be increased: instead of 25 Norridgewocks in 1726, he thinks there may have been 40; instead of 7 Pigwackets, he thinks there may have been 24.

  86. Martin Middlebrook, The First Day of the Somme (New York: W.W. Norton, 1972); John Keegan, The Face of Battle (New York: Viking Press, 1976), pp. 255, 280.

  87. Peter R. Cox, Demography, Fourth Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 319, 361.

  88. Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1969), p. 34; Paul R. Ehrlich, Anne H. Ehrlich, and John P. Holdren, Ecoscience: Population, Resources, Environment (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1977), p. 199.

  89. Quoted in Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 331–32, 65.

  90. Ibid., p. 332; Peter S. Schmalz, The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p. 99; Anthony F.C. Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970), pp. 141–44.

  91. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 96, 98, 116; Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), pp. 61—65.

  92. For the 1685 to 1790 figures, see Peter H. Wood, “The Changing Population of the Colonial South: An Overview by Race and Region, 1685–1790,” in Peter H. Wood, Gregory A. Waselkov, and M. Thomas Hatley, eds., Powhatan’s Mantle: Indians in the Colonial Southeast (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), p. 38.

  93. Ibid.

  94. James M. O’Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennesse Press, 1973), p. 52.

  95. James Mooney, Historical Sketch of the Cherokee [1900] (Chicago: Aldine Publishers, 1975), p. 51.

  96. Takaki, Iron Cages, pp. 96, 102.

  97. Michael Paul Rogin, Fathers and Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of the American Indian (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975), pp. 132, 218–19, 355.

  98. Ibid., pp. 219–20.

  99. Quoted, ibid., p. 227.

  100. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, translated by George Lawrence, ed. J.P. Mayer (New York: Anchor Books, 1969), Volume One, p. 339.

  101. Of the 10,000 or so Americans who were victims of the Bataan Death March, 4000 survived to the end of the war, meaning that about 6000, or 60 percent, died on the march or during the subsequent three years of imprisonment. As noted in the text, about 8000 of the approximately 17,000 Cherokee who began that death march died on the Trail of Tears and in the immediate aftermath—about 47 percent. The comparison is incomplete, however, because, unlike the Bataan situation, no one knows how many Cherokee died during the next three years of reservation imprisonment—and also because, again, unlike the Bataan death march, the Cherokee death march included many thousands of women and children. For Bataan, see Donald Knox, Death March: The Survivors of Bataan (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981).

  102. Mooney, Historical Sketch of the Cherokee, p. 124.

  103. In Grant Foreman, Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 305–306.

  104. Russell Thornton, “Cherokee Population Losses During the Trail of Tears’: A New Perspective and a New Estimate,” Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), 289–300.

  105. Peter Calvocoressi, Guy Wint, and John Pritchard, Total War: Causes and Courses of the Second World War, Revised Second Edition (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), p. 523; Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961), p. 670.

  106. “Log of John Boit,” quoted in Erna Gunther, Indian Life on the Northwest Coast of North America as Seen by the Early Explorers and Fur Traders Du
ring the Last Decades of the Eighteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), p. 74.

  107. Quoted in Schmalz, The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario, pp. 99–100.

  108. Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer, Aberdeen, South Dakota, December 20, 1891; quoted in Elliott J. Gorn, Randy Roberts, and Terry D. Bilhartz, Constructing the American Past: A Source Book of a People’s History (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), p. 99.

  109. Charles A. Eastman, From the Deep Woods to Civilization (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1916), pp. 111–12.

  110. James Mooney, “The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890,” in Fourteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896), Part Two, p. 877.

  111. Ibid., p. 885.

  112. Quoted in Gorn, Roberts, and Bilhartz, Constructing the American Past, p. 99.

  113. Eastman, From the Deep Woods, p. 113.

  114. Kit Miniclier, “Lost Bird Comes Home to Wounded Knee,” Denver Post, July 14, 1991, pp. 1C, 6C. The account in Colby’s home town newspaper, The Beatrice [Nebraska] Republican, is quoted in part in Richard E. Jensen, R. Eli Paul, and John E. Carter, Eyewitness at Wounded Knee (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), p. 135.

  115. In H.R. Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1851), Volume Two, p. 258.

  116. Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), pp. 86–89, 124–25, 126–27; Robert T. Boyd, “Another Look at the ‘Fever and Ague’ of Western Oregon,” Ethnohistory, 22 (1975), 135–54 (for data on the Kalapuyan not covered in Thornton); Harry Kelsey, “European Impact on the California Indians, 1530–1830,” The Americas, 41 (1985), 510; Russell Thornton, “Social Organization and the Demographic Survival of the Tolowa,” Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), 191–92; Daniel T. Reff, “Old World Diseases and the Dynamics of Indian and Jesuit Relations in Northwestern New Spain, 1520–1660,” in N. Ross Crumrine and Phil C. Weigand, eds., Ejidos and Regions of Refuge in Northwestern Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), p. 89; Steadman Upham, Polities and Power: An Economic and Political History of the Western Pueblo (New York: Academic Press, 1982), pp. 39–43; Robert S. Grumet, “A New Ethnohistorical Model for North American Indian Demography,” North American Archaeologist, 11, (1990), 29–41; Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1984), p. 88. John C. Ewers, “The Influence of Epidemics on the Indian Populations and Cultures of Texas,” Plains Anthropologist, 18 (1973), 104, 109; Robert Fortuine, Chills and Fever: Health and Disease in the Early History of Alaska (Anchorage: University of Alaska Press, 1989), pp. 89–122, 161–78, 199–264, 301–14.

  117. Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), pp. 42–136.

  118. Jean Louis Berlandier, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed., John C. Ewers (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969); Wood, “Changing Population of the Colonial South,” p. 74.

  119. David Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination: A Case Study in Indian-White Relations (New York: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 149–50.

  120. Ibid., pp. 155–58.

  121. Ibid., p. 172.

  122. Ibid., pp. 171, 237.

  123. Ibid., p. 291; Himmler is quoted in Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 1986), p. 477. Although Chivington made the phrase famous, it must be said that it did not originate with him. At least a few years earlier one H.L. Hall in California, who made a living killing Indians, refused to take other whites with him to massacres he had arranged unless they were willing to kill every Indian woman and child encountered, because, he liked to say, “a nit would make a louse.” On one occasion, Hall led a group of whites in the mass murder of 240 Indian men, women, and children because he believed one of them had killed a horse. See, Lynwood Carranco and Estle Beard, Genocide and Vendetta: The Round Valley Wars of Northern California (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1981), chapter four.

  124. Quoted in Stan Hoig, The Sand Creek Massacre (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), p. 192.

  125. Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination, p. 291; Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, p. 137.

  126. Quoted in Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, p. 150.

  127. The following accounts are from subsequent testimony and affidavits provided by witnesses to and participants in the massacre. The full statements are contained in U.S. Congressional inquiry volumes, including Report on the Conduct of the War (38th Congress, Second Session, 1865), but excerpts are printed as an appendix in Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, pp. 177–92. The portion of George Bent’s testimony that follows immediately is not included in Hoig’s appendix, but is quoted in Dee Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970), p. 88.

  128. Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination, pp. 298–99.

  129. Ibid., pp. 187–88.

  130. Quoted in Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), p. 79.

  131. Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542–1706 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916), p.5.

  132. Sherburne F. Cook disputed de Anza’s dubious distinction nearly fifty years ago in The Indian versus the Spanish Mission, Ibero-Americana, Number 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943), pp. 23–24.

  133. K.L. Holmes, “Francis Drake’s Course in the North Pacific, 1579,” The Geographical Bulletin, 17 (1979), 5–41; R. Lee Lyman, Prehistory of the Oregon Coast (New York: Academic Press, 1991), pp. 14–15.

  134. “Diary of Sebastián Vizcaino, 1602–1603,” in Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, pp. 95, 97, 102; “A Brief Report . . . by Fray Antonio de la Ascensión,” ibid., p. 121.

  135. Ibid., pp. 79–80, 109.

  136. On the nineteenth-century diseases, see Sherburne F. Cook, The American Invasion, 1848–1870, Ibero-Americana, Number 23 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943), p. 20.

  137. Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 46.

  138. Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 374–75.

  139. Fray Francisco Palóu, O.F.M., Historical Memoirs of New California, translated and edited by Herbert Eugene Bolton (New York: Russell & Russell, 1966), Volume One, pp. 171–213.

  140. Ibid., p. 211.

  141. Sherburne F. Cook, Population Trends Among the California Mission Indians, Ibero-Americana, Number 17 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940), pp. 6–7, 23, 26.

  142. John R. Johnson, “The Chumash and the Mission,” in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), pp. 365–75; Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “Mission Registers as Sources of Vital Statistics: Eight Missions of Northern California,” in Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, Essays in Population History, Volume Three: Mexico and California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), pp. 177–311.

  143. Robert Jackson, “Demographic Change in Northwestern New Spain,” The Americas, 41 (1985), 465.

  144. V.M. Golovnin, Around the World on the Kamchatka, 1817–1818, translated by Ella L. Wiswell (Honolulu: Hawaiian Historical Society, 1979), pp. 147–48. On the living space allotted for unmarried mission Indians, see Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, pp. 89–90.

  145. Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 27.

  146. Golovnin, Around the World on the Kamchatka, pp. 150, 147.

  147. For mission Indian caloric intake, see Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Miss
ion, p. 37, Table 2. On slave diets and caloric intake, see Richard Sutch, “The Care and Feeding of Slaves,” in Paul A. David, Herbert G. Gutman, Richard Sutch, Peter Temin, and Gavin Wright, Reckoning with Slavery: A Critical Study in the Quantitative History of American Negro Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 265–68. It is important to note that Sutch’s analysis is a detailed critique of the work of Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, who argued in their book Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1974) that the average slave’s caloric intake was even higher.

  148. Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 54.

  149. Ann Lucy W. Stodder, Mechanisms and Trends in the Decline of the Costanoan Indian Population of Central California (Salinas: Archives of California Prehistory, Number 4, Coyote Press, 1986).

  150. Phillip L. Walker, Patricia Lambert, and Michael DeNiro, “The Effects of European Contact on the Health of Alta California Indians,” in Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One, p. 351.

  151. Adelbert von Chamisso, A Voyage Around the World with the Romanzov Exploring Expedition in the Years 1815–1818, translated and edited by Henry Kratz (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1986), p. 244.

  152. Omer Englebert, The Last of the Conquistadors: Junípero Serra, 1713–1784, translated by Katherine Woods (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1956). The parallel between the Spanish forced labor institutions in North and South America has long been recognized, even by professed admirers of the Franciscans and Junípero Serra. See for example, the comments of Herbert E. Bolton, “The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish-American Colonies,” American Historical Review, 23 (1917), 43–45. In fact, Serra himself noted and used the parallel in justifying the beating of Indians; in a letter of January 7, 1780, to the Spanish governor of California, Filipe de Neve, he noted the fact that the phyical punishment of Indians by their “spiritual fathers” was “as old as the conquest of these kingdoms,” specifically observing that “Saint Francis Solano . . . in the running of his mission in the Province of Tucumán in Peru . . . when they failed to carry out his orders, he gave directions for his Indians to be whipped.” Quoted in James A. Sandos, “Junípero Serra’s Canonization and the Historical Record,” American Historical Review, 93 (1988), 1254; Sandos’s entire essay (pp. 1253–69) is a valuable contribution to the controversy over Serra’s proposed canonization.

 

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