by Ian Hughes
But it must not be forgotten that there were difficulties with his methods. Stilicho ordered troops to be withdrawn from Raetia at least twice between 395 and 401. The effect of these changes has been highlighted by a study of their impact in Raetia.26 The portrayal of small garrisons – sometimes as little as fifty men – in a ‘decaying landscape that had once been a prosperous Roman countryside’ is dramatic and highlights the fact that in some provinces Roman power was now withdrawing from the periphery and focusing upon preserving the core. The net result was the withdrawal of the wealthy individuals who owned villas and had earlier set the example of the benefits of Roman life. Furthermore, life in Roman towns also went into a steep decline as both towns and villas were abandoned as defensive sites in favour of hilltop defences.27 In Raetia, the new garrisons of barbarian forces had no Roman example to follow, instead remaining culturally Germanic. In contrast, there is the continuity of Roman life in Noricum, yet the reasons for the differences between the conditions in the different provinces remain unclear.28
The fact that the process of reinforcing the central army relied almost entirely upon the loyalty and trust of the tribes on the frontiers was also extremely risky. It is probable that Frankish loyalty was partly due to internal political stability that may not have been present in other tribes at this time. There was also the major problem that in senatorial circles Stilicho’s actions could be interpreted as abandoning the frontiers to barbarians. Should these tribes prove disloyal and attack the Empire, opinion against Stilicho would automatically harden.
Bucellarii
In the time of Honorius the name bucellarius was given not only to Roman soldiers but also to certain Goths.
Olympiodorus, fr. 7.4.
The evolution of the bucellarii is not wholly clear and is based mainly on this one quote from Olympiodorus. From this it is apparent that bucellarius began as a nickname for Roman troops, although whether it was applied to specific forces, for example those acting as bodyguards, is unknown. However, by the time of Stilicho it was becoming a name given to some of the non-Roman bodyguards being adopted by high-ranking Romans. Such troops may have begun as ‘private forces’ enrolled at the instigation of the government but actually commanded by civilian magistrates for ‘police’ duties, for example in Egypt.29 The bucellarii appear to have entered a patron/client relationship with their employer, a status that could be inherited by the client’s son. This relationship could be ended by mutual agreement, by a government decree disbanding the bucellarii, by the redistribution of the bucellarii after the disgrace of their client, or possibly by the bucellarius alone.30
An early example of the employment of bucellarii is that of Rufinus, who had a small bodyguard of Huns, permission for which must have been granted by Theodosius before he went on campaign in 394, probably to give Rufinus protection whilst the emperor was away. Obviously, they were not allowed in the presence of the emperor and so were unable to prevent Rufinus’ assassination in 395.
Stilicho made use of the growing employment of bucellarii by personally recruiting a large force of Huns to act as a personal bodyguard. Furthermore, he allowed some of the high-ranking officials he had appointed to recruit and maintain their own small body of troops. He probably recognized, even at this early date, that in so doing he actually created a small force that he permanently had access to in times of trouble.31 Although at first the concept appealed to him, especially as he was faced with opposition and the possibility of rebellion, over time these ‘bodyguards’ became increasingly large until, in 406, he was obliged to pass a law severely limiting the size of the forces allowed to private officials.32
However, there was one major flaw in the increased employment of ‘barbarians’ of which Stilicho was unaware. The greater use of non-Roman bucellarii as bodyguards, which was reflected in their conditions of service and especially in their privileges, began to be resented by the troops in the regular army, who saw their own position being usurped by ‘foreign interlopers’. As Stilicho increased the number of barbarian troops in the army, agitation amongst the regular forces began to grow.
There was also a need to ensure that the army was loyal only to him. As was highlighted earlier, using his position as comes et magister utriusque militiae Stilicho began to slowly appropriate the right to appoint the principal administrators to all of the offices of the comites and duces. By the end of his regime he had taken control of all of the military administration.33 This was vital to his survival. The measures allowed him to maintain a tight control of the comites and duces he appointed in the West and to monitor their actions to a high degree. The presence on their staff of officials loyal to Stilicho would ensure that the men in command of troops would be extremely cautious about becoming involved in any opposition to Stilicho.
Political developments
Throughout the period 395 to 400 Stilicho maintained his claim to parens of the entire Empire. There is no doubt that his claim was sincere; after all, he was the senior member of the House of Theodosius – especially since the marriage of Honorius and Maria – and believed himself to be the best-equipped to look after the interests of the two young emperors. Yet he was not naïve politically. The claim was also an internal weapon that he used in the West to shore up his position and maintain control.34 After all, it was unlikely that anyone would wish to supplant him and inherit the political divisions that the claim had created between East and West. Indeed, if Claudian is to be believed, the conflict between East and West continued to escalate and now involved attempts at assassination.35 Instead, opponents would be more likely to wait and see what the outcome would be, probably in the hope that one of the assassination attempts would succeed.
The marriage of Maria to Honorius was not the only dynastic link that Stilicho attempted to arrange in his early years in power. In early January 400 Claudian recited his two latest poems, de Consulatu Stilichonis Liber Primus and de Consulatu Stilichonis Liber Secundus(On the Consulship of Stilicho, Books One and Two).36 In the second of these it is announced that Stilicho’s family will be united for the third time with the House of Theodosius.37 Stilicho’s marriage to Serena was the first, the second was Honorius and Maria, and the third would appear to be the betrothal of Eucherius, Stilicho’s son, with Galla Placidia, Theodosius’ daughter. In this way the marriage ties between Honorius and Stilicho would be cemented to the maximum of Stilicho’s ability. Yet, although the betrothal was announced, the two never married. Partly, this may have been due to Stilicho’s desire to avoid resentment and undesirable rumours in the Senate.38 Another marriage between his offspring and the children of Theodosius would undoubtedly cause feelings of disgust and unrest; after all, Galla Placidia was biologically the second cousin of Eucherius, but by adoption was his aunt. Yet it is also possible that Stilicho was keeping her in reserve. There was a chance that the marriage between Honorius and Maria would prove to be childless. If the emperor died without an heir, Eucherius, acknowledged as his grandson by Theodosius, would be a serious contender for the throne. Being able to marry Theodosius’ daughter would obviously boost Eucherius’ claims to the throne. In the meantime, Galla Placidia would be useful if kept unmarried, since the possibility of a marriage tie with the royal family would keep many of Stilicho’s supporters in line.
Yet the main obstacle faced by Stilicho remained the obstinate refusal of the aristocracy to participate in the defence of their own Empire. Although they accepted Stilicho’s rule, they stubbornly clung to the privileges accorded to them in the past. They resented paying tax, using any means possible to limit the amount they paid to the government. As a result, the government attempted to enforce conscription as it couldn’t afford to pay for ‘mercenaries’. The aristocracy opposed these attempts to enforce recruitment as they wanted to keep able-bodied men to work for them on their vast estates. Accordingly, the government demanded payment in lieu of recruits with which to pay for mercenaries. This was resented by the aristocracy who clung to the ideal that Rome s
hould be defended by a ‘Roman’ army, not by outsiders. This vicious cycle was one of the main factors that restricted Stilicho’s ability to deal with the crises that would soon arise.
The Pictish war
During the course of 398 the Picts may have attempted to attack across the northern frontier of Britain, possibly as a result of news arriving of Gildo’s rebellion.39 The attack appears to have been defeated and news sent to Italy of the assault. In response, in 400 Stilicho seems to have ordered the forces in the north to withdraw to Hadrian’s Wall and also ordered repairs and upgrades to the wall and other structures – the work being paid for with the money raised during the African campaign. Although unsupported except possibly by archaeology, the story suggests that Stilicho was working to maintain the structure of the Empire from an early stage in his rule.40 It is likely that it was at this time that Stilicho first appointed a military comes in Britain to coordinate local defence. However, priorities were to change as time passed. Britain was again allowed to fade into the background as he came to focus more and more on one area, to the detriment of others.
Affairs in the East
Alaric
In his new position as magister militum per Illyricum, Alaric controlled regular Roman forces as well as his own tribesmen. It would appear that Alaric and his men were billeted in cities according to normal Roman practice, although Claudian’s claim that they retained the captives taken in Greece as slaves remains doubtful.41
In his new post he was able to exercise jurisdiction as a regular Roman officer, which no doubt enhanced his reputation amongst his followers.42 More importantly, he also took control of the imperial fabricae(arms factories) at Thessalonica, Naissus, Ratiaria and at Horreum Margi in Moesia Secunda.43 Using these factories he was able to extensively equip his men with Roman-made equipment. The result was that they became a much more effective military machine, being able to face the Roman troops at near parity.
15. Alaric as magister militum per Illyricum with associated fabricae.
Furthermore, it is possible that Alaric was able to improve the quality of his cavalry whilst in Illyricum. Although never very numerous, it is almost certain that the proportion of cavalry in Alaric’s forces was, for a Germanic army, relatively high. This was due in no small part to his access to the Thracian herds. It is clear that he would not be allowed to vastly increase the number of horsemen under his control, as the leaders in Constantinople would have been wary of making Alaric too powerful and the emperor retained personal control of the distribution of the horses.44 On the other hand, it is likely that he was allowed to replace many of the weaker mounts. Being composed largely of nobles and their comitatus, the cavalry were already a formidable force; with more powerful horses, the quality of Alaric’s cavalry now became exceptional for a barbarian army.
Yet it was not only the cavalry that was improved by the stay in Illyricum. Both the cavalry and the infantry were able to acquire armour and helmets from the Roman fabricae. Furthermore, freed from the necessity of finding food, the troops were also free to train and improve both their drill and their fighting techniques. Since Alaric could now command Roman troops, it is possible that he gave orders that the Goths be trained by Roman officers. Yet although they were now becoming the equivalent of the best-trained Roman troops, their major drawback remained: they were only united behind Alaric whilst he was successful.
Yet this did not really matter. Alaric had achieved what he wanted: a regular Roman command and comparative wealth for his followers. It may not have been on the scale of Stilicho or Arbogast, but it was enough to keep him and his followers content for a little while. From 397 to 400 he was able to relax a little and reap the rewards of his actions. Only at the end of this period did the situation begin to deteriorate.
East–West Relations
Understandably, a serious deterioration took place in East–West relations following Stilicho’s expeditions to Illyricum. The major difficulty lay with the fact that power no longer lay with the emperors. Instead, it was held by individuals who did not have the legal standing of emperor. As a result, they needed to be constantly on the guard against enemies who now only had to control the emperor, not attempt to overthrow him.45 Understandably, trust became secondary to suspicion in their dealings with others.
In the West, part of the opposition to Stilicho was based on the rebellion of Gildo. It was acknowledged that in large part Gildo’s defection was due to the Eastern government’s hostility to Stilicho and Gildo’s attempt to turn the division to his own advantage. This turn of events was unacceptable to many in the West.46 It would appear that Claudian’s poem ‘de Bello Gildonico’ (‘The War against Gildo’) was written to counter the reaction of a growing Western opposition. In the poem Claudian declares that Gildo was the ‘third tyrant’, coming after Magnus Maximus and Eugenius.47 In this manner the poem fulfils two functions. Firstly, it separates the actions of Gildo from the political quarrel between Stilicho and Eutropius; in effect, separating the rebellion from the problems faced by East–West relations. Secondly, the poem endorses Stilicho as the continuator of Theodosian policies, since he has now taken Theodosius’ place as the defender of the West. In this way Claudian and Stilicho will have hoped to quieten unrest and encourage the concept that Stilicho was actually in the right, following as he did Theodosian policies throughout the crisis.
With regards to East–West relations, Stilicho’s status as hostis publicus emphasized his removal from Eastern politics and resulted in him adopting a low profile in relation to Eastern affairs, although an attempt at reconciliation in Claudian’s poem ‘de Bello Gildonico’ was ignored in Constantinople.48 A good example of Stilicho’s restraint, possibly linked with his attempt at reconciliation, is in the Western nomination for consul for the year 399.49 As Stilicho was still hostis publicus in the East it was certain that his nomination would be rejected, so for 399 the West’s proposal was Mallius Theodorus, a gifted Milanese lawyer. There is no evidence at this time that Stilicho was attempting to provoke discord in the East. He did not need to, thanks to the actions of Eutropius.
Eutropius
Eutropius’ position as leader of the Eastern government seemed assured. Secure in the affections of Arcadius, not least because he had organized Arcadius’ marriage to Eudoxia and so frustrated Rufinus, he had also personally led the forces that had evicted the Huns from Asia Minor.50 His reputation could not have been higher. If his rise had been rapid, his fall was to be spectacularly swift.
His feelings of security resulted in a mistake of catastrophic proportions. Following his victorious campaign against the Huns, he secured the nomination to be consul for 399. The Senates of both East and West were appalled at the thought of a ‘eunuch-consul’. Such a thing had never happened before and the action was felt to be an insult to the dignity of the Empire. The post of consul was still held in high regard and was seen as a legacy from the past; the holders could be traced back over 900 years to the foundation of the Republic.51 The move was viewed with shock and horror, especially in the more conservative West. Although the move was accepted by Arcadius in the East, in the West it was rejected. In the West the consuls for the year are listed as either Mallius and Theodorus or as Mallius Theodorus alone.52
With the announcement all attempts at conciliation between Stilicho and Eutropius appear to have ceased. The poet Claudian was now given permission to attack Eutropius in his poems. Furthermore, Claudian was a friend of Theodorus and had accepted a commission to write a panegyric on Theodorus’ nomination as consul. The situation provided a perfect opportunity for Claudian to show his talents. In ‘Panegyricus de Consulatu Flavii Manlii Theodori’ (‘Panegyric on the Consulship of Flavius Manlius Theodorus’) he was able to highlight Theodorus’ manly pursuit of legal matters as an honest and upright family man.
Thou art as deaf to the prayers of injustice as thou art generous and attentive where the demand is just. Pride, that ever accompanies office, has not so much as dared t
o touch thy mind. Thy look is a private citizen’s nor allows that it has deserved what it thinks to have but grown; but full of stately modesty shines forth a gravity that charms because pride is banished. What sedition, what madness of the crowd could see thee and not sink down appeased? What country so barbarous, so foreign in its customs, as not to bow in reverence before thy mediation? Who that desires the honeyed charm of polished eloquence would not desert the lyre-accompanied song of tuneful Olympus? In every activity we see thee as we see thee in thy books, describing the creation of the newly-fashioned earth or the parts of the soul; we recognize thy character in thy pages.
Claud., Pan. Man. Theo. 241f.
In contrast, throughout ‘In Eutropium, Liber Prior’ (‘Against Eutropius, Book One’) Claudian depicts Eutropius as the ‘non-man’ who owed all he had to deceit and dishonesty. The result was a ‘savage, hysterical flood of invective’ from which all attempts at reconciliation had been removed.53
His passion for gold increases — the only passion his mutilated body can indulge. Of what use was emasculation? The knife is powerless against reckless avarice. That hand so well practised in petty thefts, accustomed to rifle a cupboard or remove the bolt from the unwatched coffer, now finds richer spoils and the whole world to rob. All the country between the Tigris and Mount Haemus he exposes for sale at a fixed price, this huckster of Empire, this infamous dealer in honours. This man governs Asia for the which his villa has paid. That man buys Syria with his wife’s jewels. Another repents of having taken Bithynia in exchange for his paternal mansion. Fixed above the open doors of his hall is a list giving the provinces and their prices: so much for Galatia, for Pontus so much, so much will buy one Lydia. Would you govern Lycia? Then lay down so many thousands. Phrygia? A little more. He wishes everything to be marked with its price to console him for his own fortune and, himself so often sold, he wants to sell everything. When two are rivals he suspends in the balance their opposed payment; along with the weight the judge inclines, and a province hangs wavering in a pair of scales.