Stilicho: The Vandal Who Saved Rome

by Ian Hughes

  Claud., In Eut. I. 190f.

  To add to Eutropius’ problems, he made a major miscalculation. His claim to sole responsibility for the defeat of the Huns had repercussions closer to home. Although his military abilities may have been great, it is clear that without the aid of his military leaders – who probably acted as advisors during the campaign – he would not have been successful.54 In spite of their support during the campaign, Eutropius continued with his policy of marginalising the same military leaders.

  If that did not infuriate the generals, in direct contrast to his treatment of them he now appeared to reward Alaric for his pillaging of Greece by giving him a major military post, that of magister militum per Illyricum. It should not be forgotten that in the East the posts of magister militum were, theoretically at least, equal.55 By his actions Eutropius had made a rebel the equal of loyal, long-serving soldiers. This was obviously an insult of the highest order.

  If the aristocracy in Constantinople were dismayed by his nomination for the consulship, they were also apprehensive concerning a further mistake Eutropius made. It was a long-standing tradition that the senior minister could charge citizens for access to the emperor to present petitions. Eutropius appears to have taken this to a greater degree than ever before, allegedly even charging Eudoxia for access to her husband during the day.56 Although probably a later invention to accentuate his greed, the story does highlight his growing reputation for avarice.

  Furthermore, Eutropius had differed in his appointment practices from Stilicho in the West. Whereas Stilicho had continued to appoint men of standing who had served under Theodosius, as well as men of traditional families who would expect such advancement, Eutropius had promoted ‘new men’. As a result, and much to their infuriation, the old, powerful families had been disassociated from the running of the Empire.

  As the senators and citizens of Constantinople began to view their new leader with unease, and with the army leaders becoming impatient with their exclusion from power, Eutropius’ hold over Arcadius received a devastating blow.

  Gainas

  In 397, in company with Stilicho, Gainas had led the Eastern army against Alaric. Upon their recall, he had led his troops back to Constantinople, where he had engineered the death of Rufinus. As a comes rei militaris his powers were limited and he undoubtedly felt slighted by Eutropius’ failure to reward him adequately for his services. He was probably made magister militum per Thraciam, but this may have seemed a hollow prize as he does not seem to have been given any troops, instead being forced to raise his own once he was in position. This would have been galling, especially when Eutropius made the rebel Alaric magister militum per Illyricum and gave him Roman troops to command.

  According to Sozomen, Gainas was forced to recruit Germanic warriors from across the Rhine, promising their leaders the rank of tribune.57 This would accord with him being given few – if any – troops to command. He was attempting to create a new army for himself. Yet it is likely that most Germanic recruits would be enrolled in the army following normal measures; the rank of tribune would only go to his friends and relatives from beyond the Rhine. These were coming under pressure from the Huns, and Gainas was simply promising to use his influence to try to get them influential posts in the Roman army. At this time Hunnic power across the Danube was growing and it is probable that Hunnic leaders did not want potential warriors crossing the Rhine to serve in the Roman army against them. Incentives would be needed to ensure that the German leaders who crossed would not be forced to return and face Hunnic wrath for their ‘desertion’.

  Annoyed at not being given an appointment suitable to his service and seniority, Gainas would have felt very insecure. After all, one of his predecessors was Abundantius, the general who had used his influence to promote Eutropius’ career. His patronage had not saved him from Eutropius and he had been disgraced and exiled. If Eutropius could banish a patron, there was no doubt that he could do the same to a Goth from across the Danube.

  Tribigild’s revolt

  Following the campaign of Eutropius against the Huns in 397, Tribigild, one of Gainas’ relatives, had been promoted to comes rei militaris and had been sent to Phrygia to command the Gothic troops stationed at Nacoleia.58 During the summer of 399 he had been in Constantinople, before leaving to rejoin his troops. During his stay in the capital he may have expected to receive a further promotion to a more senior position, in a similar vein to Alaric, or he may have had his subsidies cut, or both.59 Whichever one is correct, in retaliation when he arrived back in Phrygia he revolted, immediately losing his post as comes.60 A native of Selge in Pamphylia led resistance to Tribigild and, gathering a force of local farmers and slaves, almost trapped Tribigild in an ambush.61 Forced to withdraw from Phrygia, Tribigild began to ravage Lydia, Pamphylia and Pisidia (Map 1).62

  Alarmed at this turn of events, Eutropius offered high rank to Tribigild if he would stop the rebellion.63 Tribigild refused the offer and the revolt continued, Tribigild’s forces being swollen with the arrival of ‘slaves and outcasts’.64 In the face of stiffening opposition it would appear that Eutropius, after disbanding much of the military staff and replacing them with his own, inexperienced nominees, was forced to turn to Gainas for assistance. It seems that in the emergency all available troops were gathered, including raw recruits who were Goths.65

  In a position subordinate to Gainas, Eutropius appointed his own close friend Leo as comes rei militaris in the East.66 Leo was first sent to defend the Hellespont before being dispatched to take control of Pamphylia. In the meantime, Gainas was ordered to defend Thrace and the Hellespont against attack, though whether the attack was expected to be made by Tribigild or whether Gainas was to guard from the possible threat of rebellion by Alaric in Illyricum is unclear.67 Fravitta, the magister militum per Orientem, remained at his HQ in Antioch.68 Once in Pamphylia Leo was allegedly attacked by barbarian troops sent by Gainas to help him.69 Confused and threatened, Leo was easily routed when Tribigild advanced against him, dying in the rout.

  With Leo dead, Eutropius had no choice but to order Gainas to cross into Asia Minor and defeat Tribigild. Once in Asia Minor, however, Gainas remained inactive and allowed the revolt to continue, probably encouraging Tribigild in his actions. It is unclear whether Gainas and Tribigild were acting together from an early stage or whether Gainas only later encouraged the revolt.70 It seems likely that Tribigild was at first acting on his own initiative, and that only later did Gainas realize that he could use the situation to his advantage. This he now did, as he complained to the Emperor Arcadius that he could not face Tribigild as it was far too risky and he faced a possible defeat.71 He also pointed out that Tribigild’s main reason for rebelling was Eutropius. Therefore, he would only risk facing Tribigild if his demands were met and he could attempt to negotiate a treaty with Tribigild. Obviously, part of these demands included the ultimatum that Eutropius be removed from power.

  Eudoxia

  Back in Constantinople opposition to Eutropius had begun to focus around Arcadius’ wife Eudoxia. Eutropius seems to have continually reminded her that she owed her place to him, and the constant reminders and accompanying insults resulted in her turning against Eutropius. She was joined by other ministers who were in opposition to Eutropius and the movement began to build.

  When the message from Gainas arrived Arcadius initially refused to dismiss Eutropius, a man for whom he felt considerable affection. However, at this point Eudoxia intervened and convinced the emperor that Eutropius had to be removed from power. Reluctantly, Arcadius complied; in autumn 399 Eutropius was arrested and sent into exile in Cyprus. The news of his fall was received with relief in the West, and Claudian responded by writing ‘In Eutropium, Liber Posterior’ (‘Against Eutropium, Book Two’), which denigrates his failure to deal appropriately with Tribigild’s revolt.72 At an unknown later date Eutropius was to be recalled and tried for treason before finally being executed.

  Eutropius’ legacy73

&n
bsp; Eutropius is represented in our sources as an evil eunuch, filled with avarice and willing to use unscrupulous methods to attain his desires. Although it is likely that some of this reputation is well deserved, there exists a valid reason for his greed. Although he doubtless retained a percentage of the money he raised for himself, the remainder was used to replenish a depleted treasury. Theodosius’ wars had been costly and Rufinus had not had the time to raise much money. Therefore, it was left to Eutropius to fill the unpopular role of money-gatherer. Using his popularity with the Emperor Arcadius, Eutropius forced the rich to pay taxes and the East managed to maintain a healthy reserve of cash. His legislative activity clearly illustrates this.74 In contrast, Stilicho in the West could not afford to treat the Western senators in such a cavalier fashion, as he needed their support. The cash supplies dwindled as he was forced to use what cash he had to pay for mercenaries.

  Furthermore, Eutropius continued to implement the policies of Rufinus by refusing to use the army unless it was an extreme emergency. This resulted in the generals being deprived of ultimate power. Again this can be compared favourably with the West, where the growth of military power ultimately led to the overthrow of the last emperor. Although the end result was Eutropius’ fall and exile, the example he and Rufinus had set continued in use and ensured that when strong emperors did arise, they were able to retake control of both the army and of the East.

  The coup of Gainas

  Eutropius’ place as ‘head’ of the consistorium was taken some time before August 399 by Aurelian, a respected individual of a traditional family, who had previously been magister officiorum and prefect of Constantinople.75 Seen as the leader of those opposed to the employment of Germans in the Empire, his appointment was not what Gainas expected as the result of his intrigues. However, Aurelian’s appointment was popular in the court as it was viewed as a return to traditional practices after the rule of Eutropius. As such, he was elected consul for 400 in Constantinople, although this was not recognized in the West.

  Yet Aurelian’s command of the East was to be short-lived. Gainas was now the undisputed leader of the army, yet following Aurelian’s appointment he was still excluded from councils and only on the periphery of government. Using the example of Stilicho as his benchmark, Gainas was unhappy with his subordinate position. Gainas joined his forces to those of Tribigild and advanced to Chalcedon. There he demanded and received a meeting with the emperor.

  Arcadius was forced to submit to Gainas’ demands. Aurelian and his supporters were sent into exile. He was replaced by the pro-German Eutychianus. Gainas was finally made magister utriusque militiae in praesentalis.76 He was now the equal in the East of Stilicho in the West. He entered Constantinople and assumed his position as head of the government. Tribigild, however, did not live to gain the fruits of his victory: he died shortly afterwards of an unknown cause.77 Of all of the commanders of Theodosius I in the East, only Gainas, Fravitta and Alaric now remained.78

  Fall of Gainas

  Unfortunately, Gainas did not have the ability to cope with his new-found power. Conditions in the capital quickly deteriorated. Against his will, Eudoxia was crowned as Augusta(empress) on 9 January 400 and, aware of his fast-deteriorating position, Gainas feigned illness and left Constantinople. He arranged for his followers to meet him outside the city, but, in an unprecedented move, as they left they were attacked by the population of the city. Some 7,000 were alleged to have been trapped in the city and slaughtered, and Gainas was quickly declared hostis publicus.

  In response, with the remainder of his followers Gainas moved to Thrace and devastated the area before attempting to cross to Asia Minor.79 Fravitta, earlier the magister militum per Orientem although he may have been declared magister militum in praesentalis by this time, moved to block the attempt and heavily defeated Gainas. The victory was so resounding that a column was built by Arcadius depicting Gainas’ defeat, although a statue of Arcadius, not Fravitta, surmounted the column. Gainas headed back north through Thrace and, prior to crossing the Danube, killed the Roman troops still with him out of fear of betrayal.80 After he had left Thrace, the province was further plundered by runaway slaves and deserters claiming that they were Huns.81 Fravitta followed Gainas north and was able to restore order in Thrace as he moved. Once outside the Empire Gainas was attacked and killed by the Hunnic king Uldin, who was rewarded for his act by being given the title comes.82 Upon his return from the successful campaign, Fravitta was nominated for the consulship in 401.

  Gainas’ legacy

  Aurelian and his fellows were recalled from exile and reinstated, with Eudoxia now in firm control of the government. By coincidence, Synesius of Cyrene was present as an ambassador for his city at the restoration and he made a speech, De Regno(On Kingship), which called for the elimination of barbarians from all positions except as slaves. Although superbly timed for the downfall of Gainas, the speech should not be seen as echoing popular opinion and government policy against barbarians; it is more of a local reaction against the actions of the barbarians over the previous two years and, as such, reflects a temporary state of affairs.83 In fact, when seen in context it is probable that Synesius was voicing support for his friend Aurelian. Aurelian had been exiled in part for his stand against the appointment of Alaric and Gainas. Synesius was voicing his support. Later, in an unconnected letter Synesius actually praised the foederati for their service.84

  However, echoing Synesius’ speech, the fall of Gainas is usually seen as the defeat of the ‘barbarian’ element in the East, which allowed affairs to be kept under imperial rather than ‘barbarian’ control. This is compared with the West, where a succession of ‘barbarian’ army leaders presided over the end of the Empire.

  This is unjustified: after an interregnum in the East there once again arose powerful generals of barbarian birth. The difference between the East and the West is only minimal but essential. After the fall of Gainas the civilian ministers were determined that never again would they be dominated by individuals whose only claim to power was the support of the army. The result was that, unlike in the West, when a strong emperor reappeared he could more readily enforce his decisions on the council, removing members obstructing him and once again personally taking control of the army. In the West, the emperors remained subordinate to the magister militum until, finally, they were perceived as unnecessary and the Empire quietly faded away.

  1.Plaque of Serena in the Basilica of San Nazaro, Milan. The church was heavily embellished by Serena in thanks for the safe return of Stilicho from the campaign in Greece. (Courtesy, Giovanni Dall’Orto)

  2. Monument in the forum in Rome dedicated to Stilicho. After his death Olympius declared a damnatio memoriae on Stilicho, and as a result inscriptions dedicated to Stilicho were located and his name erased from them. In this case, the two lines that have been chiselled away were the dedication to Stilicho. (Courtesy of G. Dobersch)

  3. Statue base dedicated to Claudian, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. (Courtesy, Berliner Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften)

  4. Mosaic from Faenza, Italy, showing a ‘heroic’, ‘nude’ Honorius seated on his throne along with Stilicho, who is standing on the left. (Courtesy, Nic Fields)

  5. The Bas Relief of the Obelisk of Theodosius, from the Hippodrome in Constantinople. The children flanking Theodosius are Arcadius and Honorius. (Courtesy, Erindipity, Flickr)

  6. The Colossus of Barletta. Although the identity of the emperor is disputed, it may be Honorius. (Courtesy, Fanaticissima, Flickr)

  7. Gurlitt’s reconstruction of the Column of Arcadius (1912). The column was built to celebrate the victory of Arcadius (in the person of Fravitta) over Gainas in AD 400.

  8. The Colonne di San Lorenzo, Milan, one of the few Roman remains from the period of Stilicho’s rule still extant in Milan. (Courtesy, Paul Murray, Flickr)

  9. A cheiroballista from Trajan’s Column. Although nearly three centuries earlier than Stilicho, these catapults remain
ed in use in the Late Roman Army.

  10. Detail from the Arch of Galerius, showing the emperor and his retinue wearing what appear to be classical ‘muscled’ breastplates depicting human musculature, as worn by earlier Greek hoplites. (Courtesy, Tilemahos Efthimiadis, Flickr)

  11. Another section of the Arch of Galerius, showing troops wearing ring mail. Although it looks a little like ‘scale mail’, the ring mail is clearly depicted with small, drilled holes at the centre of the ‘scale’. (Courtesy, © Lorraine Kerr, caeciliametellaphotography.info)

  12. Coin from the reign of Constantine I, showing the emperor in a ‘pilleus Pannonicus’ (Pannonian hat). Possibly the earliest representation of this form of headgear. (Courtesy, Beast Coins)