by Ian Hughes
13. Coin from the reign of Constantine I, showing the emperor in what may be a ridge helmet. Although in some ways unsatisfactory as a dating technique, the depiction of emperors wearing ‘new’ styles of helmets is one of the few methods we have of determining when these were introduced. (Courtesy, Beast Coins)
14. Coin from the reign of Honorius. Again, the emperor is depicted wearing what appears to be a ridge helmet, this time with an attached crest. (Courtesy, Beast Coins)
15. Gold Aureus issued by Constantine III. The four ‘G’s demonstrate that the coin was produced early in Constantine’s reign, since they represent Constantine himself, along with Honorius in the West, and Arcadius and Theodosius II in the East. Shortly after this issue Arcadius died and Constantine consequently produced coins with only three ‘G’s. (Courtesy, Beast Coins)
16. Gold Aureus issued by Honorius. In contrast to that of Constantine III, this coin only has three ‘G’s displayed: for Honorius, Arcadius and Theodosius II. Honorius would only accept Constantine III as a colleague under extreme pressure. (Courtesy, Beast Coins)
17. The Intercisa 4 helmet. The exact purpose of the large metallic crest is unknown. It may have been to designate the wearer as an officer, or it may simply have been a matter of personal taste. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
18. A reconstruction of the helmet found near Koblenz. Despite the oft-assumed belief of deterioration in the quality of late-Roman equipment, the helmet shows that Roman craftsmen could still produce splendid defensive equipment. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
19. A reconstruction of the Intercisa 1 helmet, which demonstrates the simplicity of the design when compared to the earlier, ‘imperial’ styles of helmet. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
20. A reconstruction of Intercisa 2, which again shows the simplicity of design, although this time with simple decoration. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
21. A reconstruction of a plumbata. The weight would help to give extra penetrative power to the dart, so making it a very dangerous weapon in the hands of men trained in its use. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
22. A reconstruction of a Roman spatha. This ‘longsword’ had replaced the earlier, shorter, gladius by the time of Stilicho. The reasons for the change are unknown and still a matter of some controversy. (Courtesy, www.armamentaria.com)
23. ‘The Burial of Alaric in the Bed of the Busentinus’, by Leutemann. Although the imagery used bears little resemblance to the realities of the fifth century, the burial of Alaric in the bed of a temporarily diverted river has aroused the imagination of artists and historians throughout the ages, and is a testament to the hold that Alaric and his Goths have on the image of the ‘noble barbarian’ that still exists to this day.
24. Consular diptych of Probus Anicius, consul in 406, depicting Emperor Honorius. (Photograph from Ludwig von Sybel, Christliche Antike, vol. 2, Marburg, 1909)
25. The Symmachi-Nicomachi Diptych, produced around the turn of the fifth century to celebrate the marriage alliance of these two powerful Senatorial families.
26. The Stilicho Diptych. On the left is Serena, wife of Stilicho and adopted daughter of the Emperor Theodosius. With her is their son, Eucherius.
On the right is Stilicho. His shield carries a depiction of two children, thought to be the emperors Arcadius and Honorius. If the attribution is correct, the diptych, usually dated to c.395, could be a representation of his claim to be ‘parens principum’, and so the ‘shield’ of the two young emperors. (Courtesy, © Majed Salem, Saudi Arabia)
27. A beautiful Gothic Eagle, dating to c.500.
The exquisite artwork clearly shows that Gothic leaders had talented craftsmen in their following. However, the cost of such craftsmanship would have placed such items far out of the reach of the average Gothic warrior/farmer.
28. A Christian pendant owned by Stilicho’s daughter Maria, wife of the Emperor Honorius.
The words are formed in the shape of the Christian Chi-Rho symbol. The shape of the ‘Rho’ is formed from a vertical line reading HONORI, with the name of Maria herself forming the top of the symbol. The ‘Chi’ is from the names STELICHO and SERENA. The whole is finished with a horizontal line formed from the word VIVATIS. (Musée du Louvre, Courtesy, PHG, Wikipedia)
29. The insignia of the magister peditum from the Notitia Dignitatum(Oc. 5.1). This is the insignia that would have been adopted by Stilicho upon his taking control in the West in 395. Although his titles changed throughout the course of his career, it is likely that this was the only insignia of his rank that was ever used.
30. Insignia of the magister officiorum from the Notitia Dignitatum, Oc.9.1. Despite Vegetius’ claims to the contrary, the insignia clearly demonstrates that the imperial fabricae were producing a wide range of military equipment, including shields, helmets, body armour, and weapons.
31. The Basilica di Sant’ Ambrogio, Milan, is the location of ‘Stilicho’s Sarcophagus’. Although the sarcophagus almost certainly does not contain the body of Stilicho, this demonstrates the affection with which Stilicho’s memory is generally held. (Courtesy, Keiron Hart, Flickr)
32. Detail of the central panel of the Sarcophagus. (Courtesy, Giovanni Dall’Orto)
33. The sarcophagus itself is heavily decorated and ornamented. The level of detail shows how highly esteemed Stilicho was in the centuries after his death. (Courtesy, Giovanni Dall’Orto)
34. Built in the late fourth/early fifth century by Bishop Ursus, this is all that remains of the Neonian (Orthodox) Baptistery, Ravenna. Built during the period of Stilicho’s supremacy, it is likely that Stilicho watched this structure being constructed.
35. Santa Agata Maggiore, Ravenna. Founded in the late fourth century, possibly when Stilicho was in control in the West, the fact that the main surviving buildings are churches demonstrates the increasing power of the Catholic church from the time of Theodosius I. (Courtesy, J C Cuesta, Flickr)
36. The Basilica di San Nazaro, Milan. Originally built as the Basilica Apostolorum by Bishop Ambrose, when the body of Saint Nazarus was discovered a new apse was built in the church to house it and the church was renamed. Serena, wife of Stilicho, vowed to donate to the church if Stilicho returned safely from the campaign in Greece. After his return, she fulfilled her pledge, donating the marbles for the sacellum and also embellishing the rest of the church. (Courtesy, MarkusMark, Flickr)
Chapter Ten
Alaric and the Invasion of Italy, 401–402
Reconciliation
The Western court was confused and alarmed at the news coming from the East.1 The confusion in the Eastern capital would have been almost indecipherable in the out-of-date reports reaching Stilicho in the West. However, one thing quickly became clear: Eutropius had fallen. In response Claudian wrote his two invectives attacking Eutropius. The second of these was written in September 399, after the fall of Eutropius but before the coup of Gainas in March 400.2 This poem contains the last mention of the claim to guardianship of both halves of the Empire:
There now shone forth but one hope of salvation — Stilicho. Him the expectation of whose visits the consciousness of deeds ill-done had ever rendered bitter and unpleasant, him whose approach even as far as the Alps afflicted the Byzantines (Byzantinos (sibi)) with fear of death and punishment, all now wish to come, repentant of their former wrongdoing. To him they look as to a star amid this universal shipwreck of war; to him innocent and guilty alike address their prayers.
Claud, In Eutropium, II 502f.
The claim is aimed specifically at Aurelian, demanding that he relinquish his position and accept Stilicho in the East. Furthermore, with Eutropius gone, Stilicho’s status as hostis publicus ceased.3 As a result, in 399 Stilicho arranged to be nominated for the first time as the consul for 400; Symmachus was to travel to Milan to be present for the festivities.4 This was Stilicho’s reward for the reconquest of Africa. Due to the confusion in the East, however, Stilicho refused to acknowledge Aurelian as the East’s nominee for the
consulship.5
In the meantime the level of confusion continued to grow. Aurelian was removed by pressure from Gainas in December 399 and replaced by the pro-German Eutychianus. Eudoxia was crowned Augusta (empress) on 9 January 400, possibly as a reward for her support against Eutropius, before Gainas organized a coup in March and took control in Constantinople.6 However, Gainas himself was overthrown in July and his troops massacred. Aurelian and his followers returned, but it was Caesarius, not Aurelian, who became the new praefectus praetorio Orientis. Stilicho and the Western Senate must have been wondering what was going to happen next.
However, contrary to the experience of the previous year, the situation now settled in the East, although tension between the two courts remained high. As messengers travelled between East and West it soon became clear that Stilicho’s claim to be parens principum of the East was effectively invalid. The claim had not been based upon Arcadius’ age, since he had long been old enough to rule, but on his inability to rule effectively without guidance. As the senior member of the Theodosian house, Stilicho saw it as his duty to safeguard the two emperors against unscrupulous guardians, hence his claim in 399.
It slowly became clear that the ministers leading affairs in the East were in reality colluding with the Empress Eudoxia. As a capable individual in her own right, she had the capacity to guard Arcadius from harm and she would ensure that the East would be passed to her children – by 400 she had two, Flacilla and Pulcheria. In early 400 she gave birth to a third daughter, Arcadia, and in 401 to a boy, Theodosius. The continuation of the Eastern Empire in the hands of the Theodosian house now seemed assured. Stilicho allowed his previous claims to parens principum of the East to lapse, instead adopting a policy of family loyalty. Slowly, East–West relations thawed, as shown by the presence of both emperors on the base of the Column of Arcadius and the fact that the two emperors were declared joint consuls for 402.
On the other hand, claims that relations had thawed to such an extent that the East now returned all of Illyricum to the West are unfounded; Illyricum remained divided.7 However, it may have been at around this time that the Diocese of Pannonia, which had earlier been transferred to the West, was renamed ‘Illyricum’ – possibly to aid clarity in the West concerning the title of praefectus praetorio Illyrici.8 The actual prefecture, however, remained part of the Eastern Empire.
The improvements in relations were slow and not universally accepted. One of Eudoxia’s councillors – and allegedly the father of her son Theodosius II – was called John. At some point, probably in 404, he was accused by Fravitta of deliberately trying to wreck the unity of the Empire by opposing the renewal of friendly relations with the West.9 Fravitta was quickly arrested and executed.10 Although a later phenomenon, the episode illustrates that the understanding between East and West remained fragile.
Alaric
As the talks between East and West continued, one person was left on the periphery. Alaric, the magister militum per Illyricum, is not mentioned in any of these events, although the outcome would have a grave impact upon his political position, especially with regard to his location between East and West. Furthermore, many of these recent events would have directly affected his personal standing.
In 400 Fravitta, the magister militum in praesentalis, had pursued Gainas through Thrace, restoring order to the troubled province. In the following year Fravitta had remained either in Constantinople or in the Balkan region. His destruction of Gainas had shown that there was to be no unity between the last survivors of Theodosius’ military commanders in the East. Alaric was on his own.
The rapid fall of Gainas also illustrated that the civilian government had regained control of the East. Although his position as leader of his people was now assured, thanks to the long sojourn in Illyricum, things were beginning to look bleak for Alaric: he had lost Eutropius, the man who had initially given him the position, and the East was, paradoxically, becoming stronger now that Gainas had been evicted.11 Furthermore, the rising of the population in Constantinople against Gainas had shown that, however temporary, the mood in the East was anti-German and anti-Eutropius. This is shown by the reading of Synesius of Cyrene’s treatise, De Regno (On Imperial Rule), in which he attacks the employment of ‘Skythians’ (Goths) and criticizes the employment of high-ranking barbarian officers.12
Although for the time being Fravitta adopted a low profile – after all, he was a Goth – he was still a capable general and a formidable foe.13 The East now had an efficient army available which it was willing to use and a general capable of using it. Should the government turn against Alaric, he would be hard pressed to survive.
Taking all of these considerations into account, it was clear that Alaric’s position was at best insecure. With Gainas’ flight through Dacia and Fravitta’s subsequent campaign, it is likely that supplies dwindled in the Balkans. Furthermore, it may be that the Eastern government chose this time to cancel Alaric’s annona (subsidies).14 However, although it is possible that this helped to formulate his decision to move, with the resources of a large part of Illyricum to call upon the loss of the annona should not have caused a long-term problem.
There is also the suggestion that Uldin the Hun and his followers had been accepted as foederati as a reward for killing Gainas. It is possible that Uldin used his new position to threaten the Goths in Illyricum in an attempt to force them to leave.15 Yet there is no evidence in Claudian for such a suggestion; instead, he places all of the blame for what happened next on Alaric.
Overall, although it is unlikely that the East took any action regarding Alaric, he must have realized that in the near future the army would be turned against him, at which point he would be forced to return to a nomadic existence. He was also aware that there was resistance in the Gothic ranks to his continued dominance of Gothic affairs, although at this time only Sarus, a Goth of high standing, was willing to stand up to him.16 As a result of all of these events, Alaric took the only course open to him: he offered his services to Stilicho.17
Unfortunately, Stilicho was not in a position to offer him a post. The Senate in Rome was steadfast in its disapproval of the use of even limited numbers of barbarians; to enrol Alaric and his forces was to invite political disaster. Furthermore, there was nowhere that they could be stationed.
The East could leave them in Illyricum, since this was a relatively isolated position from which they could cause relatively little damage to the East. There was no such backwater in the West. Maintaining Alaric in the Diocese of Illyricum (Pannonia) was not an option. The position would give him easy access to Italy and allow him to place too much pressure on the Western government. Giving Alaric a command in Gaul or Spain was also out of the question; his forces would settle in relatively peaceful and prosperous areas and, once settled, they would be unwilling to move at a later date. Furthermore, being settled in any of these places would greatly strengthen the Goths’ political position. Stilicho did not have the military strength to both control the Goths in the West and defend Italy against attack from the north.18 Alaric’s offer of service was declined.
As the situation in Constantinople stabilized, and as the possibility of an agreement between East and West grew, Alaric must have felt that all he had worked for was under threat. The army under Fravitta was nearby and precluded any advance on Constantinople, as he had done in 395. The East was now secure from danger. Moreover, it was possible that the army would be sent to attack him, either to destroy him, to force him out of the Empire, or at least remove him as a threat by eliminating a significant proportion of his forces. This could take the form of defeat in battle or by military pressure forcing the tribesmen to change allegiance. Possibly in response to his weakening position, Alaric appears to have decided to raise the stakes a little: in either 400 or 401, for the first time he took the title ‘Rex Gothorum’ (‘King of the Goths’).19 Although at this early date it was probably a political manoeuvre to emphasize the unity of his people and so send a clear warning
against attack to the East, the title of Rex (Gothic ‘reiks’) showed that he was the sole leader of the Goths and could now be styled ‘Tyrannus Geticus’ by Prudentius. However, it was still inferior to the title of ‘Thiudans’ which was applied only to the ruling emperor of Rome.20 The net effect was that the gradual centralization of power and the curbing of independent Gothic authority had begun.21 The elevation of Alaric as ‘reiks’ was the first step in creating a unified Gothic ‘kingdom’. By giving the Goths clear leadership, it began the process of eliminating the situation where separate and equal Gothic leaders led groups that could, as a consequence, do what they wanted. However, at this early stage the Goths still relied on Alaric’s ability to withstand Roman pressure to conform and merge with the rest of the Roman population.22
Yet as his feelings of insecurity grew Alaric realized that his time as an Eastern general was now running out. Stilicho had turned down his offer of service, yet with the East secure there was nowhere else he could go. Learning that Stilicho was busy dealing with the situation in Raetia and Noricum, Alaric decided to act.