by James Horn
9 Often referred to as the “papal donation,” Alexander VI’s 1493 bull Inter caetera became the basis of Spain’s legal claim to the Americas. Some concessions were made—Portuguese rights to discoveries in the Atlantic were recognized by the treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, which confirmed to them all those lands they had discovered or would discover up to 370 leagues (approximately 1,100 miles) west of the Cape Verde Islands. Anthony Pagden, Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France, c.1500-c.1800 (New Haven and London, 1995), 29-52; and James Muldoon, “Papal Responsibility for the Infidel: Another Look at Alexander VI’s Inter Caetera,” Catholic Historical Review 64 (1978): 168-184.
10 Woodbury Lowry, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States: Florida, 1562-1574 (New York, 1959), 155-207; Eugene Lyon, The Enterprise of Florida: Pedro Menéndez de Avilés and the Spanish Conquest of 1565-1568 (Gainesville, FL, 1976), 100-130; and McGrath, French in Early Florida, 25-26, 133-155.
11 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480-1630 (Cambridge, 1984), 129-134, 141-145; and generally, I. A. Wright, ed., Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580 (London, 1932); Harry Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake: The Queen’s Pirate (New Haven and London, 1998), 36-39, 45-66, 93- 220; and Samuel Bawlf, The Secret Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, 1577-1580 (New York, 2003), 67-181.
12 Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises, 1: 170-180; Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 116-134; Peter E. Pope, Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century (Chapel Hill, NC, 2004), 13-14; and Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake, 11-67.
13 Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises,1: 35, 188-194. The wording was conventional, resembling earlier grants for this purpose issued by Elizabeth’s father and grandfather.
14 Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises, 1: 39-48.
15 Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh, 27-51; Lacey, Sir Walter Ralegh, 20-36; and Stephen Coote, A Play of Passion: The Life of Sir Walter Ralegh (London, 1993), 37-56.
16 Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh, 17, 46; Lacey, Sir Walter Ralegh, 34-35; and John W. Shirley, Sir Walter Ralegh and the New World (Raleigh, NC, 1985), 6-25.
17 Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh, 46-49; Coote, Play of Passion, 60-65, 70; and J. Hannah, ed., The Poems of Sir Walter Raleigh . . . (London, 1892), 15-16, 29, 77-78.
18 Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds, 270; Alison Plowden, Elizabeth I (Sparkford, 2004), 511-526; Christopher Hibbert, The Virgin Queen: Elizabeth I, Genius of the Golden Age (Cambridge, MA, 1991), 123-129, 191-202; Carolly Erickson, The First Elizabeth (New York, 1983), 293-303, 323-330; and Susan Doran, The Tudor Chronicles, 1485-1603 (New York, 2008), 335.
19 Plowden, Elizabeth, 139-152; Erickson, First Elizabeth, 29-30, 206-210, 241-242, 244-258, 272-273; and Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds, 262-272.
20 Lacey, Sir Walter Ralegh, 43-44; and Coote, Play of Passion, 59, 68-70.
21 Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh, 55-59; and Stow, Survey of London, 296, 400-401.
22 Stow, Survey of London, 296, 402-403. London’s population in the mid- 1570s, when Ralegh arrived, was approximately 100,000. By the end of the century it had risen to 150,000. Williams, Later Tudors, 162-163.
23 Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 7.
24 Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises,1: 49-62; 2: 278-279, 391; and Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 190-191.
25 Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises, 1: 71-82; 2: 272.
26 Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 194-197; and Quinn, Voyages and Colonizing Enterprises, 1: 50-52, 62-67, 82-89; 2, 378-379, 390-420. The precise location where the Delight was lost is unknown.
27 Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 7-9, 45-46; and John W. Shirley, “American Colonization through Raleigh’s Eyes,” in Raleigh and Quinn: The Explorer and His Boswell, ed. H. G. Jones, 105-107 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1987).
28 Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise, 92-102, 138-154; Taylor, Original Writings , 1: 175; 2: 242; Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, 64-69, 139-141, 167-179, 183-199; David B. Quinn, Explorers and Colonies, America, 1500- 1625 (London, 1990), 207-223, 239-241; Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 246-254; Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 20-21; Peter J. French, John Dee: The World of an Elizabethan Magus (London, 1972), 178-199; David Armitage, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge, 2000), 105- 108; and Benjamin Woolley, The Queen’s Conjuror: The Science and Magic of Dr. John Dee, Adviser to Queen Elizabeth I (New York, 2001), 84-85, 97-122, 176, 201.
29 Quinn, Explorers and Colonies, 239-241; and Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 20-21. In 1582 Richard Hakluyt the younger argued for the creation of a lectureship to instruct captains and sailing masters in the new navigational techniques, which both Sir Francis Drake and “Customer” Smythe supported.
30 John White was listed as a member of the Painters Stainers’ Company in 1580. William S. Powell, “Who Were the Roanoke Colonists?” in Raleigh and Quinn: The Explorer and His Boswell, ed. H. G. Jones, 56, 65-66. (Chapel Hill, NC, 1987). See also Kim Sloan, A New World: England’s First View of America (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), 23-27; and Paul Hulton, America 1585: The Complete Drawings of John White (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984), 7-8. For St. Martin, Ludgate, see Stow, Survey of London, 303.
31 Paul Hulton, The Work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, a Huguenot Artist in France, Florida, and England, 2 vols. (London, 1977), 1: 10-12. Le Moyne was born about 1533 in Dieppe and lived in the parish of St. Anne’s, Blackfriars, by 1581, which is the date of his letters of denization (making him a legal resident of a foreign country). Hulton believes he arrived only a year or two earlier, but given that he immigrated to England “for religion” it is more likely he left France shortly after the St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre of 1572.
32 McGrath, French in Early Florida, 20-22, 25-26; Eugene Lyon, The Enterprise of Florida: Pedro Menéndez de Avilés and the Spanish Conquest of 1565- 1568 (Gainesville, FL, 1976), 10-18; and Paul E. Hoffman, A New Andulucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast During the Sixteenth Century (Baton Rouge, 1990), 128-129.
33 Olivia A. Isil, “Simon Fernandez, Master Mariner and Roanoke Assistant: A New Look at an Old Villain,” in Searching for the Roanoke Colonies: An Interdisciplinary Collection, ed. E. Thomson Shields and Charles R. Ewen, 66-81 (Raleigh, NC, 2003); and Louis-André Vigneras, “A Spanish Discovery of North Carolina in 1566,” North Carolina Historical Review 46 (1969): 398-415.
34 Sarah Lawson, A Foothold in Florida: The Eye-Witness Account of Four Voyages made by the French to that Region and the Attempt at Colonization, 1562- 1568 (East Grinstead, UK, 1992), 5, 94-95, 127; David B. Quinn, ed., New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, vol. 2, Major Spanish Searches in Eastern North America. Franco-Spanish Clash in Florida. The Beginnings of Spanish Florida (New York, 1979), 363; W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America (New York, 1972), map 198; McGrath, French in Early Florida, 80; and Paul Hulton, “Images of the New World: Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues and John White,” in The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480-1650, ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair, 195-214 (Liverpool, UK: 1978).
35 Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 3; and David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 2 vols. (London, 1955), 1: 82-89. The wording followed closely the grant issued by Elizabeth to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578. Ralegh was expressly prohibited from interfering with Newfoundland fishing fleets.
2. Roanoke
1 David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, 2 vols. (London, 1955), 1: 92. The two unnamed ships were described as barks, generally small vessels with three masts. The fore and main masts were square rigged and the mizzen fore-and-aft rigged. A deposition by Richard Butler, who claimed to have been a member of the expedition, taken by Spanish authorities in 1596 suggests that about 100 soldiers and sailors were involved in the voyage. Dav
id B. Quinn, ed., New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols. (New York, 1979), 3: English Plans for North America: The Roanoke Voyages: New England Ventures, 330. It is difficult to imagine how two small ships could have accommodated 100 men together with provisions, and therefore I have estimated a lower figure of around 75.
2 For Amadas and Barlowe, see Joyce Youings, “Raleigh’s Devon,” in Raleigh and Quinn: The Explorer and His Boswell, ed. H. G. Jones, 75-76 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1987); and David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584-1606 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1985), 21-22. Olivia A. Isil, “Simon Fernandez, Master Mariner and Roanoke Assistant: A New Look at an Old Villain,” in Searching for the Roanoke Colonies: An Interdisciplinary Collection, ed. E. Thomson Shields and Charles R. Ewen, 66-81 (Raleigh, NC, 2003).
3 In 1524 the Florentine explorer Giovanni da Verrazzano, one of the first European explorers to see the Outer Banks, described them as an isthmus a mile wide and 200 miles long and mistook the sounds for “the eastern sea [Pacific],” an error that influenced European thinking for the next century and a half. Paul Hoffman, Spain and the Roanoke Voyages (Raleigh, NC, 1987), 2; and Timothy Silver, A New Face on the Countryside: Indians, Colonists, and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests, 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1990), 8-17.
4 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 84, 93-97.
5 Reference to the shipwreck in 1558 can be found in Arthur Barlowe’s account; see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 111. For the arrival of the Spanish in 1566, see Quinn, New American World, vol. 2, Major Spanish Searches in Eastern North America: Franco-Spanish Clash in Florida: The Beginnings of Spanish Florida, 550-554; and Paul E. Hoffman, A New Andulucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast During the Sixteenth Century (Baton Rouge, 1990), 244-245. French and Spanish activities in the southeast down to the early 1580s are outlined in David B. Quinn, North America from Earliest Discovery to First Settlements: The Norse Voyages to 1612 (New York, 1975), 140-168, 206-288; David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven and London, 1992), 30-75; and John T. McGrath, The French in Early Florida: In the Eye of the Hurricane (Gainesville, FL, 2000). On the Spanish Jesuit mission in the Chesapeake Bay, see Clifford M. Lewis and Albert J. Loomie, eds., The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1570-1572 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1953).
6 Michael Leroy Oberg, The Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand: Roanoke’s Forgotten Indians (Philadelphia, 2007), 17.
7 General descriptions of the Carolina Algonquians can be found in Seth Malios, The Deadly Politics of Giving: Exchange and Violence at Ajacan, Roanoke, and Jamestown (Tuscaloosa, AL, 2006), 15-17; Oberg, Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand, 1-30; and Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony, 2nd ed. (Lanham, MD, 2007), 41-64. See also Lee Miller, Roanoke: Solving the Mystery of the Lost Colony (New York, 2000), 265-272. For John White’s paintings, see Kim Sloan, A New World: England’s First View of America (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), 108-131, 138-145. The linguistic and cultural affiliation of the Pamlicos, Neuse, and Coree cannot be determined with certainty; see Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 2: 871-872. Population estimates are derived from Christian F. Feest, “North Carolina Algonquians,” in Hand book of North American Indians , vol. 15, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger, 271-279 (Washington, D.C., 1978); Douglas L. Rights, The American Indian in North Carolina (Winston-Salem, NC, 1957), 259; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 113, 369; and Thomas C. Parramore, “The ‘Lost Colony’ Found: A Documentary Perspective,” North Carolina Historical Review 78 (2001): 77.
8 See note 7 above. Quinn, Roanoke Voyages 1: 105-106, 337-362; and Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, 3 vols. (Chapel Hill, NC, 1986), 1: 162-163.
9 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 368-369, 417-420, 423-424, 430-431.
10 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 372-373, 424-425; and Oberg, Head in Edward Nugent’s Hand, 24-30. Temples generally took the form of longhouses, with a small room at one end that contained a raised platform on which the remains of former chiefs were placed. A statue of Kiwasa was placed on the platform to keep watch over the dead bodies and prevent them from coming to harm.
11 The identification of peoples inhabiting the interior is problematic. Little evidence of the names of peoples or towns beyond the coastal plain in the second half of the sixteenth century has survived. Some ethnohistorians have associated the Mangoaks with the Tuscaroras, Meherrin, or Nottoway. Lee Miller argues they were the Eno; see Roanoke, 252-256. Douglas W. Boyce, “Iroquoian Tribes of the Virginia-North Carolina Coastal Plain,” in Hand book of North American Indians, vol. 15, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger, (Washington, D.C., 1978), 282-286, 288; Thomas C. Parramore, “The Tuscarora Ascendancy,” North Carolina Historical Review 54 (1982): 308-309; Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (Chapel Hill, NC, 1992), 1-48; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 260; David Stahle et al., “The Lost Colony and Jamestown Droughts,” Science 280 (1998): 564-567; and Dennis B. Blanton, “If It’s Not One Thing It’s Another: The Added Challenges of Weather and Climate for the Roanoke Colony,” in Searching for the Roanoke Colonies, ed. Shields and Ewen, 169-176.
12 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 98-103.
13 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 101-104. For John White’s illustrations of the wives of chiefs, see Kim Sloan, A New World: England’s First View of America (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), 108-131, 138-145.
14 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 106, 115, 414.
15 The sequence of events is difficult to unravel, and much of this paragraph must necessarily remain speculative. Based on Butler’s deposition in 1596 (see note 1, above), Quinn suggests that Amadas and Fernandes might have sailed as far north as the entrance to the Chesapeake Bay, where they were attacked by hostile Powhatans. Set Fair for Roanoke, 39-43. This, however, seems unlikely. Butler’s account states that Fernandes sailed twelve leagues, or about thirty miles, north of their original port of entrance, which if it was Port Ferdinando (Hatarask) would have brought them to the entrance of Albemarle Sound. This implies Fernandes and Amadas landed on the northern shore of the sound, where they were attacked by Weapemeocs. News of the attack and other details are derived from a confused account by an unnamed Englishman captured by the Spanish in Jamaica in 1586, who claimed the Indians “ate” thirty-eight men. See Irene A. Wright, ed., Further English Voyages to Spanish America, 1583-1594 (London, 1951), 174-176. For Butler’s deposition, see Quinn, New American World, 3: 329-330.
16 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 110, 114-116. The unnamed Englishman captured by the Spanish in 1586 said that friendly Indians (probably Secotans) gave Fernandes “four pounds of gold and a hundred of silver and hides and many other valuable things.” Wright, Further English Voyages, 175.
17 J. H. Elliott, Spain and Its World,1500-1700: Selected Essays (New Haven and London, 1989), 8-10; J. H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492-1830 (New Haven, 2006), 25; John Lynch, Spain, 1516- 1598: From Nation State to World Empire (Oxford, 1991), 429-439; Susan Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds: The Rule of the Tudors, 1485-1603 (New York, 2000), 262-271; and Penryn Williams, The Later Tudors, England 1547-1603 (Oxford, 1995), 283-288.
18 John Lynch, Spain, 1516-1598: From Nation State to World Empire (Oxford, 1991), 398-400; Jonathan I. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477-1806 (Oxford, 1998), 140-168; Geoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven, 1998), 121-122; Williams, Later Tudors, 258; and Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds, 219-220, 245-246.
19 Israel, Dutch Republic, 179-220; Parker, Grand Strategy, 170-171; Lynch, Spain, 441; and Alison Plowden, Elizabeth I (Sparkford, UK, 2004), 338. Mary had been kept in close confinement in England ever since she had fled Scotland in 1568. By a strange coincidence, Throckmorton was executed on the same day William of Orange was assassinated, July 10, 1584.
20 Lynch, Spain, 439-445; and Parker, Grand Strategy, 169.
21 Williams, Later Tudors, 301; Plowden, Elizabeth I, 338-339; and
Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds, 282.
22 Even the title of Walsingham’s plan, “A plott for the annoying of the king of Spayne,” recalled Gilbert’s proposal of November 1577. Harry Kelsey, Sir Francis Drake: The Queen’s Pirate (New Haven and London, 1998), 242-243; Mary Frear Keeler, ed., Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage, 1585-86 (London, 1981), 14-15; and Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 2: 728-729.
23 Raleigh Trevelyan, Sir Walter Raleigh (New York, 2002), 75.
24 Cited in Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480-1630 (Cambridge, 1984), 9.
25 E. G. R. Taylor, ed., The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, 2 vols. (London, 1935), 2: 222-230, 234-239, 243-250; and David Harris Sacks, “Discourses of Western Planting: Richard Hakluyt and the Making of the Atlantic World,” in The Atlantic World and Virginia, 1550-1624, ed. Peter C. Mancall, 446-452 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007). For an appraisal of the “Discourse,” see Peter C. Mancall, Hakluyt’s Promise: An Elizabethan’s Obsession for an English America (New Haven, 2007), 139-154.
26 Taylor, Original Writings, 2: 254, 283-289.
27 Taylor, Original Writings, 2: 327-343; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 126- 129; and Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 45-46.
28 Trevelyan, Raleigh, 76-77; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, vol. 1, 144-145, 147-150.
29 Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 155-156; 2: 728-731.
30 John L. Humber, Backgrounds and Preparations for the Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (Raleigh, NC, 1986), 18-37.
31 Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 55-56, 87-98; William S. Powell, “Who Came to Roanoke?” in Searching for the Roanoke Colonies, ed. Shields and Ewen, 50-61; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1: 118-157, 174-175, 179-180, 194-197; 2: 741; and Gary Carl Grassl, The Search for the First English Settlement in America: America’s First Science Center (Bloomington, IN, 2006), 113-115, 209-234.
32 Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages, A.D. 500-1600 (Oxford, 1993), 631-638; Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 1, 178-187; and Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, 57-63.