There could be no further extension of the narrow liberated zones and the guerillas had to retreat to the forests on the Godavari river, Karimnagar and the Nalgonda forests. The landless in the Godavari forest area mainly from the Koya tribal community joined the guerillas, and had to pay a heavy price later when the army adopted a plan devised by Harold Briggs, the British director of operations against Communists in what was then Malaya in the '50s. The army burnt down the tribal hamlets and herded the people into internment camps. The same plan would be adopted later in Mizoram and more recently in Chhattisgarh in mid 2000 where 40,000 tribals were forced to leave their villages and stay in security camps.
The formal split of the CPI came in 1964 when those who advocated the continuation of the struggle formed a separate party called the CPI (Marxist). People like Charu Mazumdar joined it and were later dissatisfied with its policies, as already discussed above.
The year trouble broke out in Srikakulam was the same as that of Naxalbari. On 31 October 1967, at a place called Levidi in the Parvatipuram agency area of the Srikakulam district, situated on the north-eastern tip of Andhra Pradesh, two peasants were shot dead by the goons of a landlord. Spread over 300 square miles, the area is inhabited by the Savaras, who live on the hill slopes and are popularly known as Girijans—hill people. As is the case with most of the tribal communities, the life of the Girijans too revolved around the jungle. They would eat whatever grew in the forest and also grow some crops through the method of shifting cultivation. But over the years, the Girijans had been trapped by moneylenders and were now absolutely in their grip. It so happened that the newly-implemented national forest law had made it difficult for the tribal communities to sustain themselves through forest produce. The forest officials made life hell for them by not allowing them to even cut a branch from a tree. Since British times any transfer of land in tribal areas could happen between tribals only. But in independent India, the rich landlords and moneylenders, who had influence among the political class, had managed to fleece the poor tribals and usurp large tracts of their land.
In the '50s a few Communist teachers began working among the Savaras and the Jatapu tribals. Prominent among them was Vempatapu Satyanarayana, a charismatic leader. To get a foothold among the tribal community, he had married two tribal women—one each from the Savara and Jatapu tribes. Along with Adibatla Kailasam (the duo was popularly known as Satyam-Kailasam) the two formed the Girijan Sangam. On 31 October 1967, a group of Girijans was going to attend a conference called by Satyam-Kailasam to discuss their strategy in the wake of large-scale arrests of the tribals by the police. On their way, they were confronted by landlords at Levidi village. Two Girijans, Koranna and Manganna were killed in gunfire.
That is when events took a different turn in Srikakulam. Satyam and Kailasam decided to organise tribals into squads and undertake selected action against 'class enemies'. Armed with bows, arrows and spears and other traditional weapons, the squads attacked moneylenders and landlords, occupied their land forcibly and harvested it themselves. When the police arrived, they took the side of the landlords, further alienating the tribals. In fact, the role of the police follows a more or less similar pattern even decades later: in the 1984 Sikh pogrom, in communal riots in Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and elsewhere.
But despite this, in Srikakulam, the guerillas managed to work out a better deal for the tribals. The landlords were coerced into increasing the wages of workers, and sharecroppers would now get a two-third share of the crop.
In 1968, all those accused of being involved in the murder of Koranna and Manganna were acquitted. This further strengthened the belief of the tribals that they should not expect anything from the State and that an armed struggle was the only way to make things work. Before this judgement, the guerilla leadership was not fully ready for armed struggle. A Srikakulam veteran later recalled how many police constables had initially offered them weapons like rifles to fight. But they wouldn't take them. So much so that when a guerilla seized a weapon from an American tourist who was exploring the area, he was reprimanded by the leadership.
But the killings of the two tribals and the support to the landlords by the police and subsequent acquittal of the accused changed all this. Also, around that time, Charu Mazumdar paid a secret visit to Srikakulam. He came visiting after an emissary was sent to him to seek his advice. Mazumdar's arrival in Srikakulam in March 1969 gave a fresh lease of life to the Srikakulam movement. He exhorted the revolutionaries to make Srikakulam the Yenan of India. He told them to pursue the policy of 'khatam' or annihilation to the fullest.
Describing a meeting with the Srikakulam comrades which took place at a secret location in the hills, Mazumdar writes about his experience6: '... These comrades are no idle daydreamers. So, they are not thinking of winning victory the easy way. They realise that attacks are sure to come and that they may even have to suffer serious setbacks. They are quite aware of that danger and are preparing to face such eventualities.
'They are convinced that to carry on revolutionary struggle, they must have a revolutionary Party. That is why they have put the task of building such a Party before everything else. At the same time they also realise that a task of such a revolutionary Party will be to imbue the Party members and the people with the spirit of sacrifice. Chairman Mao teaches us: "Wherever there is struggle there is sacrifice, and death is a common occurrence." So, in order to win victory in the revolution, the revolutionary cadres must be able to make sacrifices. They must sacrifice their property and belongings, sacrifice comforts, sacrifice old habits and aspirations after fame, rid themselves of the fear of death and give up ideas of seeking the easy path. Only in this way shall we be able to train and prepare the revolutionaries to conduct a hard, difficult and protracted struggle. Only in this way can we inspire the people to make great sacrifices, who then, with tremendous blows, will smash all the power and might of imperialism, revisionism and the Indian reactionaries and thus win victory for the revolution.'
After Mazumdar's visit, the Srikakulam revolution turned bloodier. Unlike Naxalbari, it was in Srikakulam that the rebel guerillas could manage to create liberated zones known as Red territory. Under the leadership of Satyam and Kailasam, the Girijans organised themselves into armed squads and undertook a number of class annihilation actions. Many bright students studying medicine and engineering in various universities of Andhra Pradesh joined the rebel movement. According to estimates, the guerillas had managed to 'liberate' more than 300 villages. Those who were killed were mostly landlords and moneylenders. Some of them were killed brutally, and in some cases the guerillas painted the walls of the house with the blood of the victim or wrote revolutionary slogans with it. Also, a number of policemen were killed in squad action.
In certain cases, the landlords or policemen found guilty of minor offences—which could be anything from harassing villagers or initial refusal to pay heed to the guerillas— were let off with a warning or after they paid a fine to the party. But when the police finally launched a major offensive against the Red rebels, they showed no such distinction. Most of the rebels who were caught were shot in cold blood. Panchadi Krishnamurthy, a young rebel leader, about 20 years old, was caught with a few other rebels by the police on 27 May 1969, taken to a forest area and shot dead. This trend continues even now. In various cases, the police have arrested top leaders of the CPI (Maoist) in urban areas, taken them to a jungle, and killed them. Those thus allegedly eliminated like this include Maoist leaders like Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad, Patel Sudhakar Reddy, Sande Rajamouli and many others. Later, a statement would be issued that these leaders were killed in encounters with the police.
The death blow to the Srikakulam movement was finally dealt on 10 July 1970 when the police killed both Satyam and Kailasam in an encounter. In the Andhra state assembly, some leaders hailed it as Diwali, the slaying of demons by Rama. Afterwards, the movement just faded away. But while the Naxalbari movement had shown what arming peasants could
achieve, the events in Srikakulam paved the way for what could be achieved through guerilla warfare.
Two years later, Charu Mazumdar would be caught after one of his associates gave in to police torture and revealed his commander's secret hideout. Mazumdar had been evading the police for some time. But now, he was arrested from a house in Entally, Kolkata. He died twelve days after his arrest. The harsh underground life had taken a toll and he had developed severe health problems. While in jail he did not receive proper medical treatment, leading to his death on 28 July 1972. With him a major chapter of the Red rebellion came to an end.
But in Andhra Pradesh, a few rebels who had experienced the efficacy of guerilla warfare would keep the spark alive. In India's heartland today, it is this spark that has turned into a major fire.
3National Sample Surveys.
4Sumanta Banerjee in his book, In the Wake of Naxalbari, quoting a report that appeared in the Patriot newspaper on 29 November 1969.
5Interview to NDTV, 10 June 2010.
6Liberation, Vol. II, No. 5 (March 1969).
III
THE RETURN OF SPRING
THUNDER
I began revolution with eighty-two men. If I had to do it again, I would do it with ten or fifteen and absolute faith. It does not matter how small you are if you have faith and a plan of action.
—Fidel Castro
It is beyond the power of any man to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought about on any appointed date. It is brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function of an organised party is to utilise any such opportunity offered by these circumstances.
—Bhagat Singh
In Andhra Pradesh's Warangal district, a schoolteacher weighed the losses incurred during the Srikakulam movement. Kondapalli Seetharamaiah had been a participant in the Telangana movement but after the split in the CPI, he had left the party. Then after Charu Mazumdar formed the CPI (ML), Seetharamaiah joined it along with another associate, K.G. Satyamurthy—a man known for his prowess in poetry.
In 1969 itself, while a rebellion was occurring in many parts of the country, Seetharamaiah had quietly sent a one-man squad from Kakati Medical College, a student called Chainsu Ram Reddy, to the Mullugu forests in Warangal. Mao had very clearly laid out the importance of establishing a base area or a 'rear' for the guerillas without which, he said, the revolution could not succeed. As early as 1938 Mao had written: 'History knows many peasant wars of the "roving rebel" type, but none of them ever succeeded. In the present age of advanced communications and technology, it would be all the more groundless to imagine that one can win victory by fighting in the manner of roving rebels.'
From the Telangana experience, Seetharamaiah had learnt that it was not possible to fight without first acquiring a safe base where the guerillas could be trained, and which could also serve as a sanctuary for the rebels. So, Chainsu Ram Reddy was sent to the Mullugu forests. Reddy was asked to stay with the people in the area and gradually make them politically aware. But in the absence of any support system, he could not sustain himself for long and had to return without achieving much.
Seetharamaiah understood why he couldn't. He was beginning to understand the importance of forming mass 'overground' organisations. But this was something Charu Mazumdar had been strongly against. In the 1970 Congress of the CPI (ML), Charu Mazumdar had made it clear that there was to be no 'overground' party at all. But now, Seetharamaiah was clear that this was necessary. 'One of Seetharamaiah's qualities was that he would first listen to you and then offer his counter-remarks and talk you out of it,' says Varavara Rao. The first violation of Charu Mazumdar's line was the formation of the Revolutionary Writers Association in Andhra Pradesh. Then in 1972, the Jana Natya Mandali was formed. In Pillapu magazine, Charu Mazumdar sent a message for Seetharamaiah. You are starting a writers' association. Through this magazine, I am sending you a message: this is the period of sacrifice.'
The message clearly meant that Mazumdar had reconciled with KS's policy of forming 'front' organisations. Around this time, many students from Hyderabad's Osmania University and Warangal's Regional Engineering College were attracted to radical politics. From 1974-75, 14 students from the Osmania University took a vow not to have a family and dedicate their whole life to the cause of the people's revolution. Forty other people went underground during the same time from places like Guntur, Tirupati and Vizag. During this time, KS also saw to it that other 'overground' organisations were formed. The Radical Students Union (RSU) was formed on 12 October 1974 and the first State Conference was held in February 1975 in Hyderabad to strategise on how students' movements could be linked to the idea of revolution. Thousands of students attended the conference. The biggest contingents were from Telangana. Indira Gandhi was then prime minister. Due to her political bungling, the Emergency was imposed in the country in 1975. The 'overground' organisations like the RSU now had to face the full brunt of the repressive machinery. Hundreds of students were picked up and subjected to inhuman torture and then put in jails. Four young students, Janardhan, Murali, Anand and Sudhakar were taken to the jungle and shot dead by the police. Yet, RSU continued its activities in colleges and universities across Andhra Pradesh.
It was after the Emergency was lifted that yet another organisation, Radical Youth League (RYL), was formed in 1978. Together with Jana Natya Mandali and RSU, the members of RYL began what was called the 'Go to the village campaign'. Brilliant strategist that Seetharamaiah was, he devised this method to enable the rebel students to integrate with the peasants. It was an effective method to push the party's agenda among the peasantry.
During the summer holidays, students would form groups and each group would then cover a few villages. The students were so dedicated that in some cases they would be out for days in remote areas. Some comrades would later recall how they wouldn't get anything to eat for days, and a few of them even fainted with exhaustion. During such village campaigns, the student leaders would make the people politically aware and also gather information about the land-based relationships in the rural society. They would also look out for potential activists among the villagers. These names would then be handed over to a Central Organiser. The Central Organiser (CO) was an important man responsible for a particular area. In the guerilla set-up, a squad those days consisted of a CO and his two bodyguards, all of them armed.
The first village campaign began in the summer of 1978. It went on for a month after which the Radical Youth League held its first conference. It was this campaign that sowed the seed of rebellion once again in Andhra Pradesh after a lull of a few years. This culminated in the historic Jagtial peasant movement in Karimnagar district in September 1978. But two years before that, a small group of men waited outside a landlord's mansion in a village in the neighbouring Adilabad district. They were on a mission.
Situated on the southern edge of the Adilabad district, Tappalpur appeared to be a quiet village. But a group of about a dozen men, who lay low outside a mansion on the evening of 25 September 1976, knew that it was not quite so. The village was ruled by the 65-year-old landlord G.V. Pithambar Rao, one-time MLA, who now devoted all his time to managing the affairs of his lands. The Velama caste to which Rao belonged was known for its aversion to engaging in any form of productive work. In fact, there is a saying about the Velamas that even if burning coals land on their thighs, they would expect their bonded labourers to remove them instead of saving themselves.
Around that time, 14 per cent of Adilabad's population was tribal, with Gonds constituting three-quarters of it. The district was also home to the Sringareni collieries, the biggest in south India. But only about six to seven per cent of their employees were tribals. Big industrial houses had business interests here in products such as coal and bamboo. There was a lot of unrest among the landless poor, who were at one time landowners but had lost their land to money-lenders, who had come from Maharashtra and other parts of Andhra Pradesh. In many cases, the poor tribals had cleared l
arge tracts of forest land for agriculture, after paying bribes to the revenue and forest officials. Later, the same forest department officials began evacuating the tribals from the forest area, denying them even the little sustenance that came through cultivation.
It was in such circumstances, Naxalites allege, that rich landlords like Pithambar Rao made life even more difficult for the poor. Rao had been on the hit list of the Naxalites for some time—according to a rebel who was a part of the hit team—because of his alleged cruel ways of dealing with the poor peasants of Tappalpur. The Naxalites accuse him of being drunk on money and political power, and of committing a number of atrocities including the raping of womenfolk The Naxalites even go to the extent of saying that in those days no family would agree to a marriage alliance for their daughter from anyone in Tappalpur because of Rao's reputation.
Apart from this, the Naxalites had another major axe to grind with Pithambar Rao. In 1972, two peasants, Bhumaiah and Kishta Goud were arrested for murdering a landlord in Adilabad, and were later sentenced to death. Civil rights groups had tried their best to save them from the gallows (even Sartre had demanded their release) but in the middle of the Emergency, on 1 December 1975, the two were hanged in the Mushirabad jail—becoming the first to be hanged in free India (after Mahatma Gandhi's assassin Nathuram Godse). The Maoists believe that Pithambar Rao had played a key role in the arrest of Kishta Goud. That evening a group of them gathered by the walls of his mansion, waiting for the darkness. Later, another rebel group was to join them and then they would attack. The men were armed with axes, knives and a crude bomb. One of the men who waited outside that evening was a bespectacled man, a science graduate, working as a teacher in the neighbouring Karimnagar district. He had recently been made a Central Organiser of the party. Accompanying him was another young comrade known for his physical strength and knowledge of guerilla warfare.
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