by Alan Sewell
“I don’t like it either,” concurred Thad Stevens, “But I would rather have those people working for us inside our lines than accommodating themselves to the Confederates as too many New Yorkers have decided to do. Let’s get those people inside our lines, trained as an army, and then execute Cump’s idea to strike the Confederates. The only way we’re finally going to get them off our territory is to make them tie their men down defending their own territory against our attacks.”
Lincoln raised his hand. “Let’s begin that discussion with the topic that this meeting was scheduled to address ---Sherman’s plan to realign our forces in Indiana so as to push the Confederates back toward Louisville. Sherman, please explain your proposal.”
Cump positioned himself near the wall map.
“I proposed to the President that we should change commands in Indiana, promoting Schofield to command the army, while transferring McDowell to command Schofield’s division. I proposed that we should divide the reserve army around Chicago into two equal parts. We should send two divisions to Grant to replace his losses, and send the other two to Indiana, allowing us to pull Mitchel’s army out of the line.”
Sherman put his finger on the line from Indianapolis to Cincinnati, then traced the line from Cincinnati to Louisville along the Ohio River.
“We should garrison Cincinnati and the heights across the river in Kentucky. Then we should advance down the Ohio River and retake Madison. That will unhinge the Confederate line in Indiana.”
The Cabinet and Congressmen sat upright. Faces that had shown lines of worry over the news from New England brightened.
“It’s the same question on Fremont’s front,” added Lincoln. “Fremont wants to attack the Confederates either on the Delmarva or Shenandoah. I haven’t authorized Fremont to advance because I did not want to complicate the prospects of negotiating peace with the Confederates. But, as the Confederates have decided that peace is no longer on the table, then that reason for holding back Fremont has become moot.”
“I say turn him loose to advance as far as he is able,” advised Stevens. “And tell him to liberate the slaves that come within his lines! We must set the slaves free to fight with us! We must force the Confederates to tie down their armies protecting every slave plantation within a hundred miles of the front. Every man they keep on station defending their own territory is one less they’ll have to send against us.”
“I agree,” said Lincoln. “But how can we expand the war to the enemies’ country while still doing what is necessary to protect our own? I do not honestly believe that we have so far managed the war satisfactorily from Cleveland. We’ve allocated too many men to the idle front at Philadelphia and too few for New England.”
“The country is too big to manage the war entirely from here,” said Cump. “We should introduce the doctrine of departmental autonomy. That doctrine allows for the general commanding each department to defend it with the forces under his command and to advance into the enemy’s country if he is able. There is less of a tendency to over-concentrate forces in some departments where they are not needed, while leaving other departments short of what they need to defend themselves, as we have done in New England. Of course, each department is subject to the strategic command of the President and Secretary of War, but the tactical details of how it is to defend itself or advance into the enemy’s country are left to the discretion of each department commander.”
“Our victories have come from more from the spontaneous actions of our commanders in the field, than from any strategies we’ve thought of here,” agreed Senator Ben Wade. “I say lets’ give the departmental commanders their heads.”
“How would you propose that we should subdivide our territory into these departments?” asked Lincoln.
Sherman pointed to the map.
“I would suggest splitting the Eastern Seaboard in two. Leave Fremont in charge of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. New England needs to be in another department. We need to organize the Northwest as two departments. Leave Grant in charge of Illinois and the adjoining part of western Indiana, Wisconsin, and Upper Michigan. Put eastern Indiana, Ohio, and Lower Michigan in another department under command of Schofield.
“The Trans-Mississippi states of Iowa, Minnesota, and Kansas, and the territories of Nebraska, Dakota, and eastern Colorado need to be a department. I’d suggest assigning Sam Curtis to command there. He’s an Iowa man who fought superbly on the Urbana Front.”
“And that brings us back to New England,” said Thad Stevens. “Based on what Cump Sherman has contributed to our victory on the Wabash, and what he has told us now, I’d say he should be appointed to command that department.”
“Thank you for your confidence,” replied Cump, “but I had hoped to be able to organize our attack against the Confederates on the Ohio River first.”
“There is no time for that,” Lincoln reminded him. “We cannot afford give up New England in order to organize an attack that might gain us a few counties in Southern Indiana. We need you in New England immediately.” Lincoln looked from Cump to his brother John. “How about if we send John to Indianapolis to convey your plan to Schofield, McDowell, and Mitchel while we speed you on your way to New England?”
26
Boston, October 21, 1861
“Citizens of Boston,” said Confederate Union Military Governor of New England Benjamin Butler to the Bostonians assembled in Faneuil Hall. “I am appointed Governor of the Military District of New England by President Jefferson Davis. My administration will guarantee the same rights and protections under the Constitution as you had before the Rebellion commenced. You are placed on an equal footing as all other citizens of the Confederate Union.”
Aside from the fact that those other citizens didn’t rebel against the government and don’t require a military government to be imposed on them.
“Your State Government is defunct due to the demise of the late governor and legislature during their misadventure of turning the State House into a latter-day Alamo. They apparently mistook us, their fellow countrymen, for the Mexican Dictator Santa Anna!”
There was a smattering of laughter from the Democrats present who had remained loyal the Confederate Union and welcomed its return. Frederick Douglass rolled his eyes in disgust at William Lloyd Garrison, his fellow co-publisher of the Abolitionist paper North Star Liberator.
“I remind you that I am a Massachusetts man second to none in my affection for this illustrious state and its citizens,” continued Butler. “I am here to welcome you back into the Confederate Union where you may resume intercourse with your fellow citizens.
“Standing here with me is Lieutenant General George McClellan of new Jersey, commander of the Armies of the Department of the East. And next to him is Brigadier General Daniel Sickles of New York, commanding the Confederate Union soldiers quartered in this city.” Take note of the fact that we are all Northern Free State men. McClellan and Sickles made eye contact with the audience to make the point that their armies stood ready to enforce Butler’s authority.
There was more applause from the Democrats.
“Your State Government will be reconstituted by elections to be held after the Rebellion is suppressed. For now its functions are vested in me. As for your representation in the Confederate Union --- for the duration of the war the New England States will be represented as a unit in the Confederate Congress by the honorable Caleb Cushing.
“You are free to conduct business among yourselves and all other citizens of the Confederate Union without interference. All that I require of you is that you take no actions in word or deed that oppose the authority of the Confederate Union.”
Again the Democrats, and even a few Republicans, applauded.
“I will take questions now.”
William Lloyd Garrison was the first to speak. “Two questions. The first is whether the North Star Liberator may continue its publications without prior censorship?”
“I haven’t read y
our claptrap, so I’m not of a mind to bother myself with censoring it.” The Democrats laughed loudly. “Put simply, my job as Military Governor is to enforce the Constitution. The Constitution protects freedom of the press. So long as the press is not subversive I will not concern myself with it.”
“Then I may continue to advocate for abolition?”
“You may advocate for it, or for anything else you have ever advocated for, excepting only sedition against the Confederate Union.”
“My second question is whether you intend to enforce the Fugitive Slave Laws allowing slave catchers to come into this city, apprehend Negroes they encounter, and take them back to the South and sell them into slavery?”
Butler glared at Garrison. He is trying to bait me! I have no idea whether Davis will decide to apply the Fugitive Slave Laws to the recovered areas of the Insurgent States. I do know that allowing slave catchers to come here and apprehend Negroes off the streets will inflame the insurrectionary spirit in this city to the point of making it ungovernable. It would make the battle with the Slavers at Delphi look like child’s game in comparison. That is what the Abolitionists want to accomplish. I must keep the people calm and reconcile them into going back into the Confederate Union.
“I have been known as one of the Southern Rights men of the National Democratic Party,” Butler answered. “I am for Southern Rights, but I am against Southern wrongs. Southerners have the right to maintain slavery in their states. They have no rights to impose it on the Free States. That will not change under my administration.”
I didn’t answer his question directly, but I have communicated my personal commitment not to allow slave catchers to return here. If Jefferson Davis has any sense he will back me on this. Allowing slave catchers to operate in the Free States is not worth its cost. We have a civil war because the slave holders are annoyed that three or four hundred slaves escape to the Free States every year. It will be better to reimburse the slave holders out of the General Government’s revenues than to permit slave catchers to come North and try to catch them. I will try to persuade President Davis to see it that way. If I succeed, it will help to bring the Rebellion to an early close.
Frederick Douglass asked the next question.
“Will you restrain the Confederate Union soldiers from harassing Negroes? Yesterday one of them said he needed a house servant and asked if he could buy me.” Douglass did not try to hide the snarl of outrage on his face.
“That shows his good taste,” Butler joked. “You are a most distinguished looking fellow. You’d be a fine complement to any household.”
The Democrats roared with laughter while Douglass almost choked with fury.
“I am not joking!” Douglass shouted.
“Calm down!” said Butler. “You’re still here, aren’t you? The Confederate was just fiddling with you. It can’t be the first time you’ve ever been heckled by a white man. Even in Boston not everybody is fond of Negroes. If anyone gives you trouble report it to the police as you did before. The police are still the enforcers of civil law in this city.”
Douglass wanted to respond by saying that many of Boston’s police didn’t like Negroes either and probably wouldn’t do much to prevent their being kidnapped by Confederates and sold back into slavery. But he realized that no good would come from pressing the point so he clenched his teeth and made no further response.
The next question was from a textile manufacturer. “What about trade? May we continue to service our customers in the territory controlled by the Free States government?”
“You may conduct whatever non-military trade you want to conduct with whoever you want to conduct it with. The Confederate Union government recognizes all Americans as citizens. We don’t restrict trade, other than in war material, with anybody. It’s only the so-called Free States Government that wants to restrict your trade with the Confederate Union.”
Another businessman spoke up. “May we continue to settle our business in Free State currency?”
“You may settle your business any way you please, so long as the buyer and seller agree on the terms. However, only specie and Confederate Union notes are legal tender. Confederate Union notes must be accepted by all sellers at par with gold.”
“What about resuming our foreign trade?” asked a merchant.
“After we reopen the customs posts you may resume trading with your foreign accounts, provided that you pledge not to carry products of military value. For some reason fathomable only to themselves, the British have decided to make the Canadas a free trade and transit zone for the Rebels. So we can’t allow trade that originates from here to carry products of military value through the Canadas to the Insurgents. We’ve handled the issue satisfactorily on trade originating out of New York and the Southern ports, so I see no great difficulty in resuming it here under those same terms and conditions.”
“What flag may we fly?” asked an elderly gentleman.
“The United States flag remains the legal flag of the country. The Confederate Union flag is a battle flag, not an official flag. You may fly either. The Rebel banner known as ‘the gold star flag’ is prohibited. You may not fly it or any variant of the flag that contains less than thirty-three stars. There are thirty-three states in the Confederate Union, including those pretending to be operating under another sovereignty.”
“Did I understand you to say that we are to have only one non-elected Congressman to represent all of New England?” asked a young man in the middle of the hall.
“New England is a military district until the Rebellion is concluded. It will be represented in the Confederate Congress as if it were a territory until civil government is restored to all the Rebel States.”
Douglass nudged Garrison. “I’ve heard enough,” he whispered. “Let’s go.”
They made their way out of Faneuil Hall and walked into a night warm and humid for this time of year, with a brisk wind out of the southeast blowing the salty smell of the sea air through town. There was a less pleasant smell in the air too, the smell of burned wood and powdered masonry from the ruins of the Statehouse and other nearby buildings demolished by the Confederate Navy’s guns. And there was the sickly smell of death indicating that not all of the dead bodies had been recovered from the rubble.
“What to do you think about Butler?” asked Garrison.
“He’s an arsehole.” Douglass glared as if the answer to that question was too obvious for words.
“I’m worried that his administration will be too moderate,” replied Garrison. “He’s not going to let the slave catchers back in here to stir up trouble. He’s going to let us print our papers without censorship. He’s going to let the merchants resume their trade. Those actions are well calculated to restore the people’s loyalty to the Confederate Union. I suppose it will induce many to declare neutrality as so many of New York’s Republicans have.”
“No Negro will declare neutrality!” hissed Douglass. “Don’t you remember that Confederate who joked about taking me for his servant just yesterday? One of these days they won’t be joking.”
“I’m sorry,” said Garrison, ashamed at his lapse, “but Butler made his best effort to charm us into forgetting that the Confederates are our enemies.”
“They’re all arseholes,” Douglass assured him. “And don’t you ever forget that.”
27
Charleston, South Carolina, October 23, 1861
“A Slave State Convention in Charleston?” asked Robert Barnwell Rhett as he read the letter that Bill Yancey had handed him in Rhett’s cluttered Charleston Mercury office. “What are you hoping to accomplish with that?”
“The first thing is to draft a resolution asking the President and Congress to make peace on the basis of Horace Greeley’s proposal,” Yancey replied. “We’ve got to stop Jefferson Davis’ war now before it ruins us!”
Rhett laughed good-naturedly. “Whatever the hell for, Bill? You wanted to teach the Yankee Abolitionists a lesson. Taking Boston away from
them is a sockdolager!”
“That’s exactly the point. We taught the Abolitionists a lesson. Now we should let them go.”
“That doesn’t sound like you,” said Rhett. “I’d have thought you’d want to kick them while they’re down.”
Yancey shook his head. “No, Bob, I’m not a vengeful man. At least I’m not anymore. I’m getting too old to have any more time for it.” Yancey felt a spike of pain shoot through his kidneys. He clenched his teeth, crossed his arms and leaned back on the sofa. The pain had become more frequent during the last couple of months. How much more of this can I bear? My days are getting short.
“Even if I wanted to kick them,” Yancey resumed after fighting back another spasm of pain, “it’s not going to happen with Davis in the White House. He’s put Ben Butler in charge of New England. Butler’s as much a Yankee as any of the rest of them. He’s allowing them to publish their abolitionist nonsense. He’s protecting their Negroes too. So what good does conquering New England do us if the Abolitionists are going to be allowed to harbor our runaway Niggers the same as they did before? Hell, they won’t even much mind coming back into the Confederate Union if it means they’ll get back to their devil’s work of agitating our Niggers against us! We need to be building a wall to keep those people out of our country not welcoming them back in here with open arms.”
Rhett got up from his office sofa and stepped over to window to breathe the fresh salt-scented air blowing in from the sea. Yancey stood up too and followed Rhett’s gaze over the harbor. Charleston swarmed with more activity than either would have imagined. The sleepy Southern port, declining in recent years, had picked up the bustling din of a Border State metropolis like Baltimore, Louisville, or St. Louis. It made Rhett think back to the stories he had heard as a child of how Charleston, in pre-Revolutionary days, had been one of the largest cities in the American Colonies, rivaling New York, Philadelphia, and Boston in commercial wealth.