65. See Conradi, Hitler’s Piano Player, p. 231.
66. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 248.
67. Wiedemann, Der Mann, der Feldherr werden wollte, p. 72.
68. Ibid.
69. See Lang, Der Sekretär, p. 97. Wilhelm Brückner’s interrogation by R.M.W. Kempner on August 26, 1947, KV-Anklage, in Interrogations B 173 (Wilhelm Brückner), State Archives, Nuremberg.
70. Albert Speer, quoted in Fest, Die unbeantwortbaren Fragen, p. 40.
71. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, pp. 29f. Gitta Sereny concludes, in contrast, that Anni Brandt, Maria von Below, and Margarete Speer “constituted a circle of their own, unconnected with the women on Hitler’s personal staff” (Albert Speer, p. 194).
72. See “Hitler, Otto Dietrich, Sofie Stork und Eva Braun u. a. im Freien an einem Tisch sitzend, 1934,” in Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-49671, BSB Munich.
73. See Sofie Stork, testimony from October 13, 1948, before the Munich Fourth District Court, quoted in Joachimsthaler, Hitlers Liste, pp. 500f. See also Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, pp. 38 and 216.
74. See daily planner, Sunday, June 19, 1938 (copy), in Albert Speer Papers, N 1340/288, BA Koblenz.
75. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 248. Kannenberg’s first name is given here as “Willy” (p. 440).
76. See Hamann, Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth, pp. 322 and 590.
77. Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, pp. 38 and 57. See also Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 248.
78. See Georg Birnstiel to Albert Bormann, Munich, October 27, 1939, in Denazification Court Records, box 1790 (Sofie Stork), State Archives, Munich. See also Adalbert Keis, tax advice for the H. Stork company in a document from April 17, 1947, in Denazification Court Records, box 1790, State Archives, Munich. According to this document, Sofie Stork contributed 45,000 reichsmarks to her father’s business in 1937. See also in this regard Joachimsthaler, Hitlers Liste, pp. 502ff. By way of comparison, a skilled laborer earned an average of approximately 1,900 reichsmarks a year at the time.
79. Akten der Partei-Kanzlei der NSDAP, W 124 00093. A remark dated May 27, 1937, reads: “Receipt of a check from Bormann’s Chancellery via Sofie Stock [sic] Munich.” See also Georg Birnstiel to Albert Bormann, Munich, October 27, 1939, in Denazification Court Records, box 1790 (Sofie Stork), State Archives, Munich; similarly, “Brieftagebuch des NSKK-Brigadeführers Albert Bormann, 29. Juli 1939 bis 14. Juli 1941,” in NS 24/327, BA Berlin.
80. “Brieftagebuch des NSKK-Brigadeführers Albert Bormann, 29. Juli 1939 bis 14. Juli 1941,” in NS 24/327, BA Berlin.
81. Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 38.
82. See Frank Bajohr, Parvenüs und Profiteure: Korruption in der NS-Zeit (Frankfurt am Main, 2001), pp. 37f.; Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 674.
83. See Heinrich Hoffmann’s questioning on November 13, 1946, p. 5, in Rep. 502, KV-Anklage Interrogations, H 180 (VI), State Archives, Nuremberg.
84. See Marianne Schönmann, statement from April 16, 1947, Munich District Court, quoted in Joachimsthaler, Hitlers Liste, p. 508. According to Schönmann’s own statement, she first met Hitler after Heinrich Hoffmann’s second wedding on April 18, 1934, in the photographer’s house; she was still named Petzl at the time.
85. Ibid., p. 510. Hitler included Marianne Schönmann (under the name Marion Perard-Theisen) on his “gift list” as early as Christmas 1935 (ibid., p. 14).
86. See “Hochzeit Marion Schön[e]manns, 7. August 1937,” in Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-15850, BSB Munich.
87. Marianne Schönmann, statement from April 16, 1947, p. 510. A U.S. Army military intelligence service report determined that, according to statements from Karl Friedrich von Eberstein (member of the NSDAP and SS; Munich chief of police from 1936 to 1942), Eva Braun couldn’t stand “Marion Schoenemann” and finally succeeded in getting her banned from Hitler’s environment: Eberstein, “Women around Hitler,” in Headquarters Military Intelligence Service Center, U.S. Army, APO 757, OI Special Report 36, “Adolf Hitler: A Composite Picture (2. April 1947),” p. 9, F135/4, in David Irving Collection, “Adolph Hitler 1944–1953,” vol. 4, IfZ Munich, p. 695. Nicolaus von Below, on the other hand, recalled that Schönmann was one of Eva Braun’s friends whom she brought along from Munich to the Berghof (Als Hitlers Adjutant, pp. 96f.).
88. See Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, APO 124 A, Evidence Division, Interrogation Branch, Interrogation Summary No. 413, 4 November 1946, Nuremberg (Dr. Karl Brandt), State Archives, Nuremberg.
89. See Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, pp. 66f.
90. Walter Schellenberg, Aufzeichnungen: Die Memoiren des letzten Geheimdienstchefs unter Hitler, ed. Gita Petersen, newly annotated by Gerald Fleming (Wiesbaden and Munich, 1979), p. 52.
91. Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 85.
92. See Gun, Eva Braun, pp. 152f.
93. See Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, pp. 96f.
94. See Gerhard Paul, “Joseph Bürckel—Der rote Gauleiter,” in Smelser et al., eds., Die braune Elite II, pp. 59ff.
95. Decree of Josef Bürckel’s from March 22, 1938, quoted in Alexander Mejstrik et al., Berufsschädigungen in der nationalsozialistischen Neuordnung der Arbeit: Vom österreichischen Berufsleben 1934 zum völkischen Schaffen 1938–1940, Veröffentlichungen der Österreichischen Historikerkommission, Vermögensentzug während der NS-Zeit sowie Rückstellungen und Entschädigungen seit 1945 in Österreich, vol. 16 (Munich, 2004), p. 299.
96. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 97. Cf. Baldur von Schirach, Ich glaubte an Hitler (Hamburg, 1967), pp. 267f.
97. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 94.
98. See Doris Seidel, “Die jüdische Gemeinde Münchens 1933–1945,” in München arisiert: Entrechtung und Enteignung der Juden in der NS-Zeit, ed. Angelika Baumann and Andreas Heusler for the state capital of Munich (Munich, 2004), pp. 34f. On Fiehler, see Helmut M. Hanko, “Kommunalpolitik in der ‘Hauptstadt der Bewegung’ 1933–1935: Zwischen ‘revolutionärer’ Umgestaltung und Verwaltungskontinuität,” in Martin Broszat et al., eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit: Herrschaft und Gesellschaft im Konflikt, part 3 (Munich, 1981), pp. 334ff. and 417ff.
99. See Julia Schmideder, “Das Kaufhaus Uhlfelder,” in München arisiert, pp. 130ff.
100. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 94; for “sworn to silence,” see the German original: Speer, Erinnerungen, (Frankfurt am Main and Berlin, 1993 [1st ed., 1969]), p. 108.
101. See Mejstrik et al., Berufsschädigungen in der nationalsozialistischen Neuordnung der Arbeit, pp. 131f.
102. See Thamer, Der Nationalsozialismus, p. 306. See also Lynn H. Nicholas, Der Raub der Europa: Das Schicksal europäischer Kunstwerke im Dritten Reich (Munich, 1995), pp. 57ff.
103. Hans Heinrich Lammers to Heinrich Himmler, Berlin, June 18, 1938, in R 43 II, 1296a, Bl. 5, BA Berlin. Cf. Löhr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, pp. 22f.
104. See Haase, Die Kunstsammlung Adolf Hitler, pp. 16ff.; Brigitte Hamann, Hitlers Wien: Lehrjahre eines Diktators, 5th ed. (Munich, 2002), pp. 11ff.; Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 99.
105. See Löhr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, p. 129.
106. For example, Hitler’s art dealer Karl Haberstock gave Hitler’s secretary Christa Schroeder an “Italian Renaissance storage bench” and a “mirror from the year 1510” with a frame “by the Italian sculptor Sanvoni,” which she proudly displayed in her Berlin apartment. See Christa Schroeder to Johanna Nusser, Berlin, April 28, 1941, in ED 524, IfZ Munich; likewise Spitzy, So haben wir das Reich verspielt, p. 211.)
107. Heinrich Hoffmann’s questioning on November 13, 1946.
108. Ibid.
109. Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, APO 124 A, Evidence Division, Interrogation Branch, Interrogation Summary No. 413, 4. November 1946, Nuremberg (Dr. Karl Brandt), State Archives, Nuremberg.
110. See Nicholas, Der Raub der Europa, pp. 47 and 213; also Gerhard Engel, Heeresadjutant bei Hitler 1938–1943, ed. and annotated by Hildegard von Kotze, Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte f�
�r Zeitgeschichte, vol. 29 (Stuttgart, 1974), pp. 33f.
111. See Löhr, Das Braune Haus der Kunst, p. 127; Haase, Die Kunstsammlung Adolf Hitler, pp. 52ff. These two authors do not agree on the question of whether Maria Almas-Dietrich was a member of the NSDAP.
112. See State Secretary and Head of the Chancellery (Lammers) to Retired Captain Wiedemann (adjutant to the Führer), Berlin, August 18, 1938 (copy), in Rep. 502, NG-1465, Bl. 739, State Archives, Nuremberg.
113. See Gabriele Anderl and Alexandra Caruso, eds., NS-Kunstraub in Österreich und die Folgen (Innsbruck, 2005), p. 41.
114. See Ernst Günther Schenck, Patient Hitler: Eine medizinische Biographie (Augsburg, 2000), p. 163. Schenck dates the meeting to December 25, 1936, relying on a statement by Heinrich Hoffmann’s son. See also Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105. According to Speer, the first meeting between Hitler and Morell took place long before the end of 1936, possibly even by late 1935. Speer admits to having sought out Morell’s services himself in 1936, on Hitler’s suggestion. See also U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, APO 413, Interview No. 64, “Dr. med. Karl Brandt, 17–18. Juni 1945,” p. 457, in David Irving Collection, ED 100, USSBS: Interrogation Reports, vol. 2, IfZ Munich. Brandt states that Hoffmann brought the future “personal physician” with him to Berlin in 1936, as his own doctor. Morell even lived in Hoffmann’s Berlin apartment at first, which is how he met Hitler.
115. See Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-15850 and hoff-16378, BSB Munich.
116. See Heinrich Hoffmann Photo Archive, hoff-20423/hoff-50275/hoff-20676, BSB Munich.
117. See Kershaw, Hitler 1936–1945, p. 121.
118. See Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105: “From then on, Morell belonged to the intimate circle.” See also Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 97, according to which the Morells were invited to the Berghof for Easter 1938, along with the Bormanns, the Speers, and the Brandts. Also Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206: “Hitler named him his personal physician and later also made him a professor.” In this regard, see Schenck, Patient Hitler, p. 163. Schenck, who analyzed the “Morell Papers” from the U.S. National Archives, held the view that Morell became part of Hitler’s innermost circle only after the beginning of the Second World War, i.e., in 1941.
119. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, pp. 105.
120. Franz von Sonnleithner, Als Diplomat im “Führerhauptquartier” (Munich and Vienna, 1989), p. 59.
121. See Hamann, Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth, pp. 374f.
122. See Kershaw, Der Hitler-Mythos, pp. 162f. and 167; Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206.
123. Cf. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, p. 105; Schellenberg, Aufzeichnungen, p. 75. According to Schellenberg, head of domestic counterespionage in the Reich Security Main Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt, or RSHA) in 1939, Himmler assigned him to keep Morell under surveillance after the outbreak of war, since he found Morell suspicious on numerous grounds; however, “a connection with enemy secret services” on Morell’s part could “not be proven.”
124. Schenck, Patient Hitler, pp. 163f.
125. Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 185. He referred here to Morell’s wife, Hanni Moller, who allegedly said that bodily examinations of Hitler were impossible for this reason. See Schenck, Patient Hitler, pp. 162 and 180ff.
126. See Reich Minister and Head of the Chancellery, Lammers, to Professor Dr. med. Morell, Berlin, January 31, 1943 (copy), in F 123, Sammlung Prof. Morell 1937–1945, IfZ Munich (original documents in the possession of Dr. Justin MacCarthy, 608 S. Granite St., Deming, NM 88030, USA).
127. See Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 206.
128. See Hamann, Winifred Wagner oder Hitlers Bayreuth, p. 374; Riefenstahl, Memoiren, p. 394.
129. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 87.
130. Speer, Inside the Third Reich, pp. 105–106.
131. See ibid., p. 106.
132. Cf. Katz, Theo Morell, pp. 169 and 287. Katz declares that this claim is one of the “many stupid stories” in Speer’s Inside the Third Reich.
133. Ilse Hess to Carla Leitgen, n.p., February 3, 1938 (carbon copy), in Rudolf Hess Papers, J 1211 (–) 1993/300, vol. 9, file 111, Swiss Federal Archives, Bern.
134. See Theodor Morell, 1944 calendar (entry of January 8: “Call [… ] Miss Eva”), in Theodor Morell Papers, N 1438/2, BA Koblenz.
135. See Katz, Theo Morell, p. 253.
136. Thus Morell, while staying on the Obersalzberg on April 20, 1943, noted that Hitler had begun an evening “Enterofagos treatment” and “Eva Braun likewise”; see David Irving, Die geheimen Tagebücher des Dr. Morell: Leibarzt Adolf Hitlers (Munich, 1983), p. 123).
137. Junge, Bis zur letzten Stunde, p. 133. The historian Percy Ernst Schramm also noted, during the questioning of Hitler’s doctors after the war, under the keyword “Eva Braun”: “disapproved of Morell.” “Originalnotizen von P. E. Schramm über Hitler, gemacht während der Befragungen von Hitlers Leibärzten. Haus ‘Alaska’, d. h. Altersheim für Lehrerinnen im Taunus, Sommer 1945 in USA-Kriegsgefangenschaft,” in Kl. Erwerb. 441–3, p. 169, BA Koblenz.
138. Brandt emphasized after the war his “disapproving sense of Morell as a person and as a doctor.” Morell was, in Brandt’s view, incompetent as a scientist and “himself practically uninvolved” in such procedures; see Karl Brandt, “Theo Morell,” September 19, 1945 (Haus “Alaska” in Taunus as an American prisoner of war, summer 1945), in Kl. Erwerbungen 441–3 (copy), pp. 61f., BA Koblenz.
139. See Schmidt, Karl Brandt, pp. 492ff.
140. Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 50.
141. Below, Als Hitlers Adjutant, p. 81.
142. Quoted from Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 180. See also Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Verführung und Gewalt: Deutschland 1933–1945 (Berlin, 1986), pp. 69 and 95. In any case, there was already talk of “our Führer” since the fall of 1921 in the Völkischer Beobachter.
143. See Plöckinger, Geschichte eines Buches, pp. 329f.; Mathias Rösch, Die Münchner NSDAP 1925–1933: Eine Untersuchung zur inneren Struktur der NSDAP in der Weimarer Republik (Munich, 2002), p. 513.
144. Speer, Spandau, p. 442.
145. See Interrogation Summary No. 666, Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, APO 124 A, Evidence Division, Interrogation Branch, “Interrogation of Hermann Esser, Staatssekretär, Interrogated by Mr. Fehl, 6 December 1946, Nuremberg,” p. 2, in ZS 1030 (Hermann Esser), IfZ Munich. Esser as president of the Reich Tourism Association (Akten der Partei-Kanzlei der NSDAP, p. 287).
146. See Rösch, Die Münchner NSDAP 1925–1933, p. 193; Ernst Piper, Alfred Rosenberg: Hitlers Chefideologe (Munich, 2005), pp. 124f.
147. Interrogation Summary No. 666, pp. 3f.
148. Ibid.
149. Hermann Esser and Johann Jacob Bierbrauer, Die jüdische Weltpest: Judendämmerung auf dem Erdball, 6th ed. (Munich, 1941).
150. See Interrogation Summary No. 666, p. 2. The National Socialist Party platform of 1920 was, according to Esser, completely different from those of 1939 and 1940 with respect to the “Jewish question.” Esser also claimed that he had nothing to do with the decision at the 1935 convention (p. 3). The fact is, Rosenberg himself denied to the end that he knew about the extermination policies of the Nazis, despite being very precisely informed about the “Final Solution” and despite his own involvement in the extermination actions as the Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories. See Piper, Alfred Rosenberg, pp. 579ff. and 634f.
151. In 1950, Esser was sentenced to five years in prison in the denazification proceedings; he was released early, after two years.
152. See Speer, Albert Speer: Die Kransberg-Protokolle 1945, p. 144. Speer counted Esser—along with Eva Braun, Bormann, Brandt, Morell, Sepp Dietrich, Botschafter Hewel, and himself—as members of the Berghof circle. See also Junge, Bis zur letzten Stunde, p. 94: Junge, who traveled along to the Obersalzberg for the first time in March 1943, mentions “Minister of State Esser and his wife” as guests.
154. The ruins were torn down in 1964.
155. See Piper, Alfred Rosenberg, p. 12.
156. For example, Esser read aloud the “Führer’s Proclamation” at the annual “Celebration of the Founding of the Party” in Munich’s Hofbräuhaus on February 24, 1943, while Hitler was residing “in the east” at his “Wolf’s Lair Führer Headquarters” (“Wortlaut der Führerproklamation,” in Franz Ritter von Epp Papers, N 1101/86, BA Koblenz).
157. See Thilo Nowack, “Rhein, Romantik, Reisen: Der Ausflugs- und Erholungsreiseverkehr im Mittelrheintal im Kontext gesellschaftlichen Wandels (1890–1970)” (dissertation, University of Bonn, 2006), pp. 117ff.
158. See in this regard Bajohr, “Unser Hotel ist judenfrei,” pp. 16ff.; Alfred Bernd Gottwaldt and Diana Schulle, “Juden ist die Benutzung von Speisewagen untersagt”: Die antijüdische Politik des Reichsverkehrsministeriums zwischen 1933–1945 (Teetz, 2007).
159. See Susanne Appel, Reisen im Nationalsozialismus: Eine rechtshistorische Untersuchung, Schriften zum Reise- und Verkehrsrecht, vol. 3 (Baden-Baden, 2001); Kristin Semmens, Seeing Hitler’s Germany: Tourism in the Third Reich (University of Victoria, Palgrave, Canada, 2005).
160. See Prof. Dr. von Hasselbach, “Hitlers Mangel an Menschenkenntnis,” September 26, 1945 (copy), p. 5, in Kl. Erwerbungen 441–3, BA Koblenz.
161. See Michael Humphrey, Die Weimarer Reformdiskussion über das Ehescheidungsrecht und das Zerrüttungsprinzip: Eine Untersuchung über die Entwicklung des Ehescheidungsrechts in Deutschland von der Reformation bis zur Gegenwart unter Berücksichtigung rechtsvergleichender Aspekte (Göttingen, 2006), p. 74.
162. Minister of Justice to Reich Minister and Head of the Chancellery, Berlin, October 29, 1938 (copy), in Fa 199/47, IfZ Munich.
163. Marriage Act (Gesetz zur Vereinheitlichung des Rechts der Eheschliessung und der Ehescheidung im Lande Österreich und im übrigen Reichsgebiet [Law for the Standardization of Marriage and Divorce Rights between the State of Austria and the Other Territory in the Reich]) of July 6, 1938, Section 55, in Reichsgesetzblatt I 1938, pp. 807ff.
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