The Templars and the Shroud of Christ

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by Barbara Frale


  That the linen could still carry the smell of the funeral perfumes in the 12th century is not as surprising as it sounds: in the 1500s, some excavations in Rome opened up imperial age graves, more than a thousand years old, and found several mummified corpses. The excavators’ accounts remark on the clearly perceivable smell of funeral perfumes.[97]

  That was the last description of the Shroud in the imperial chapel at Byzantium.

  [1] Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza, p. 99.

  [2] Baima Bollone and Gaglio, Applicazioni di tecniche, pp. 169-174; Baima Bollone, Jorio and Massaro, La determinazione del gruppo, pp. 175-178 e Id., Ulteriori ricerche, pp. 9-13; Id., Gli ultimi giorni, pp. 95-97; Heller and Adler, Blood on the Shroud, pp. 2742-2744; Adler, Aspetti chimico-fisici, pp. 165-184.

  [3] Ps. 22, 17-19; Puech, Notes, pp. 103-124.

  [4] Naveh, The Ossuary Inscriptions, pp. 33-37; Tzaferis, Jewish Tombs, pp. 18-32; Puech, Notes, p. 120 e nota 33.

  [5] Radermakers, Croce, pp. 378-379; de Fraine e Haudebert, Crocifissione, col. 379; Sabbatini Tumolesi, Gladiatorum Paria, for instance p.107, nota 79.

  [6] Blinzler, Il processo di Gesù; Brown, La morte del Messia, pp.1354-1357; Martini, La condanna a morte di Gesù, pp. 543-557; Miglietta, Il processo a Gesù, pp. 767-784; Id., Riflessioni, pp. 147-184; Fabbrini, La deposizione di Gesù, pp. 97-178.

  [7] Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza, pp. 99-100.

  [8] Savio, Pellegrinaggio di san Carlo, p. 436.

  [9] Tommasi, I Templari e il culto delle reliquie, p. 202.

  [10] Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza, pp. 101-103.

  [11] Luke 24, 46 (Nestle-Aland, p. 753).

  [12] John 2, 1-11; Mt 12, 38-42; Dulaey, I simboli cristiani, pp. 70-91.

  [13] Schottmüller, II, p. 156.

  [14] Villanueva, Viage literario, V, pp. 207-221

  [15] Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 48, c. 441v, edited by Schottmüller, II, pp. 57-58; Curzon, Règle, § 469; Tréffort, L’Eglise carolingienne et la mort, pp. 67-70, 74.

  [16] Barber, The New Knighthood, pp. 244-245.

  [17] Berkovits, Illuminierte Handschriften, pp. 19-20; Bazelaire, Alonso and Castex, Nouvelle interpretation, pp. 8-23.

  [18] Pellicori and Evans, The Shroud, pp. 34-43.

  [19] Brandys, Via Crucis, coll. 1348-1350; Berre, Via Crucis, pp. 1310-1311.

  [20] Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza, pp. 94-96.

  [21] I chose not to quote by name this sort of book, because their science-fiction taste is out of keeping with the guiding principles of this text. Broad and scholarly treatments of the issue include Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza; Barberis-Savarino, Sindone, radiodatazione; Marinelli and Petrosillo, La sindone, storia di un enigma; Zaccone, Sulle tracce della sindone.

  [22] Demurger, Jacques de Molay, pp. 19-24.

  [23] Marion e Courage, La sacra sindone, pp. 104-108.

  [24] Ibid. pp. 108-123.

  [25] Among the most up to date are Emanuela Marinelli, La Sindone, and Marco Tosatti, Inchiesta sulla sindone, both published in 2009.

  [26] Adler, Updating, pp. 223-228; Gove et al., A Problematic Source, pp. 504-507.

  [27]Papini Stati Silvae, recensuit Aldus Marastoni.

  [28] See for instance Teodorsson, The Phonology, pp. 197-199; Milani, pp. 221-229.

  [29] Baima Bollone, Sindone e scienza, pp. 132-137.

  [30] Tamburelli, La sindone e l’informatica, pp. 240-254; Id., Studio della sindone, pp. 1135-1149; Marastoni, Le scritte, fig. 4.

  [31] Schaeder, Nazarhnóς, coll. 833-848; Eusebio di Cesarea, Onomasticon, 138, 24 ss..

  [32] Marion and Courage, Nouvelles découvertes, foreword by Christian Imbert (Director in chief, Institut d’Optique e dell’École Superieure d’Optique d’Orsay), pp. 7-10.

  [33] Marion, Discovery of Inscriptions, pp. 2308-2313; Marion and Courage, Nouvelles découvertes, pp. 218-226.

  [34] Marion and Courage, Nouvelles découvertes, pp. 11-12.

  [35] I am grateful to Émile Puech and to Simone Venturini for helping me with this reading. To be correct, I wish to underline that both scholars received photographs of simple Hebraic writings and identified them without having any idea that they were signs found on the Turin shroud. This procedure was required to receive unpolluted views, free from any conditioning that might arise from the history of this famous object: for during my research, I found out personally that the radio-carbon affair has had a disastrously polluting effect on the cultural landscape, creating a prejudice so powerful as to darken the finest, most objective scholarly minds

  [36] Messina and Orecchia, La scritta in caratteri ebraici, pp. 83-88.

  [37] Kaplan, Le Linceul de Turin, pp. 19-22.

  [38] Simonsohn, The Apostolic See, pp. 39-40.

  [39] Ibid, pp. 48-50.

  [40] Ibid., pp. 51-60.

  [41] Vauchez, Contestazioni, pp. 442-455, at pp. 447-448.

  [42] Second letter of Peter, 1, 20-3, 17.

  [43] Simonetti, Note di cristologia gnostica, pp. 529-553; si veda estesamente Testi gnostici in lingua greca e latina.

  [44] Clemente Alessandrino, Stromata, II 114, 3-6.

  [45] Luke 8, 2-3; At 6, 1-6; Ignatius of Antioch, Letter to the Christians of Smyrna, VI, 1-2

  [46] Dubois, Valentin, coll. 146-156; Mercati, Anthimi Nicomediensis, pp. 87-98; Janssens, Héracléon, pp. 101-151; Blanc, Le Commentaire d’Héracléon, pp. 81-124; Brown, Giovanni, pp. LXVII-LXXI; Peretto, L’inno cristologico, pp. 257-274.

  [47] Grossi, Lo gnosticismo e i Padri della Chiesa, pp. 69-80; Segalla, Vangeli canonici e vangeli gnostici, pp. 47-68; Gianotto, Gli scritti di Nag Hammadi, pp. 36-46; Filoramo, La gnosi ieri e oggi, pp. 21-35.

  [48] Mayer, Pauliciani, coll. 996-997; Di Fonzo, Bogomili, coll. 1759-1760; Carile, Potere e simbologia, pp. 432-433; Kazhdan, Bisanzio e la sua civiltà, pp. 97-99; Patlagean, Contestazioni, pp. 434-442.

  [49] Patlagean, Contestazioni, p. 436; Vauchez, Contestazioni, pp.449-450.

  [50] Further reading on these tendencies: Brown, Giovanni, pp. XXII-XLIII; Segalla, La verità storica dei Vangeli, pp. 195-234.

  [51] Mattheu Paris, Historia maior, c. 290, in Potthast, Regesta Pontificum, I, p. 450; Spadafora, Veronica, coll. 1044-1048; Pfeiffer, Le voile de sainte Véronique, pp. 127-131; Paschalis Schlömer, Le «sindon» et la «Véronique», pp. 151-164.

  [52] Pesci, Bolsena, coll. 1817-1819.

  [53] Meschini, Note sull’assegnazione della viscontea, pp. 635-655 (with a rich and well up to date bibliography).

  [54] Chiffoleau, Vie et mort de l’hérésie, pp. 73-99; Griffe, Le catharisme, pp. 215-236; Becamel, Le catharisme, pp. 237-251.

  [55] Da Milano, Albigesi, coll. 708-712; D’Amato, Sacconi, Raniero, coll. 1530-1531; Duvernoy, Le catharisme en Languedoc, pp. 27-56; Henriet, Du nouveau sur l’Inquisition, pp. 159-173; Dossat, Les cathares d’après les documents, pp. 72-77.

  [56] Curzon, La Règle, § 226.

  [57] Frale, La quarta crociata e il ruolo dei Templari, pp. 447-484.

  [58] Defremery, Mémoires d’Histoire Orientale, pp. 363-364; Riant, Études sur les derniers temps, pp. 388-389; Barber, The Templars and the Turin Shroud, p. 222.

  [59] Among the earliest mentions, it appears in Saint-Gilles in 1266, in Valence in 1268, in Richarenches in 1272, in Albon in 1278, in Avignon in 1280, and so on; cf. Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templa
ri, pp. 250, 251, 255, ecc.

  [60] In Germany in 1271, on the German preceptors’ seals, in Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae Domus, pp. 272-274; in Portugal in 1274 and in Puglia nel 1292 (Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, pp. 256 e 254).

  [61] In Gastina (Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, p. 259) and in Limassol (Michelet, Le Procès II, 290).

  [62] Michelet, Procès, II, pp. 398-400.

  [63] Ripert du Puy: 1290 e 1291 (Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, pp. 246 e 249).

  [64] In 1266 (ibid. p. 250) and 1271 (p. 1251); before 1268 (p.262); undated (Finke, II, p. 324).

  [65] 1288: Schottmüller, II, p. 29, and Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, p. 270; 1289: Finke, II, p. 321; undated, Finke, II, p. 319 e Schottmüller, II, p. 50; 1290 or 1291: Schottmüller, II, p. 67.

  [66] 1288 (Schottmüller, II, p. 28); 1298 (Schottmüller, II, p. 70); 1300 or 1301 (Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, p. 245); undated (Finke, II, p. 323); 1300 (Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, p. 253).

  [67] 1291: Frale, L’interrogatorio ai Templari, p. 265; 1305: ibid. p. 247.

  [68] Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, p. 235, nota 11.

  [69] Delaville Le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers, pp. 26-30: the source suggests that the bond between the two de Fos and the Grand Master was close (frere Recelins de Fox, frere Jofroiz de Foz compagnon dou Maistre).

  [70] Curzon, La Règle, § 82.

  [71] Ibid., §§ 86, 152, 368..

  [72] Finke, II, p. 319.

  [73] Michelet, Le Procès, II, 191.

  [74] Olivier de La Roche (1226-1227): Paris, Archives Nationales, Layettes du Trésor des Chartes, II, p. 117, n. 1914, quoted in Trudon des Ormes, Liste des maisons, p. 57. I thank Luigi Boneschi for the suggestions and materials he has offered me on the subject of this dignitary.

  [75] Platelle, Luigi IX, coll. 320-338; Curzon, Le Régle, §§ 77-119; Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus, p. 245, act of May 31, 1261; Delaville Le Roulx, Documents concernant les Templiers, p. 34.

  [76] Guiraud, Registres d’Urbain IV, t. II, nn. 760, 761, 773; Registres de Clément IV, nn. 855, 1253, 1263; Runciman, Storia delle crociate, II, pp. 902-933.

  [77] Servois, Emprunts de Saint Louis, pp. 290-293.

  [78] Duchesne, Historiae Francorum scriptores coaetanei, V, pp. 390-391.

  [79] Michelet, Les Procès II, pp. 401.

  [80] Riant, Exuviae, pp. 22-23, 52. .

  [81] Rinaldi, Un documento, pp. 109-113.

  [82] Pieralli, La corrispondenza diplomatica, for instance pp. 41, 43, 45-46. It must be borne in mind that this is a private letter, and thus much freer in form than one would expect from an official document of the imperial chancellery.

  [83] Janin, Les Églises, pp. 310-311; Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, I, p. 299.

  [84] Rodd, The Princes of Achaia, II, p. 119.

  [85] Riant, Exuviae, p. 7.

  [86] Curzon, La Règle, § 13.

  [87] Ibid., § 475.

  [88] Frale, La quarta crociata e il ruolo dei Templari, pp. 454-466.

  [89] For instance Mt, 12, 28; Mc, 3, 29, etc. Dossat, Les cathares d’après l’Inquisition, pp. 81-82.

  [90] Mt, 26, 27-28.

  [91] Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 48, f. 441r; Schottmüller, II, p. 29.

  [92] About the legend’s development, see Scavone, British King Lucius, pp. 101-142; Loomis, The Grail, pp. 165-248.

  [93] Riant, Exuviae, for example X, 48, 61, 96, 107, 113, 124, 149, ecc.

  [94] Paris, Archives Nationales, J 413 n. 25, unnumbered folios (f. 9); Finke, II, pp. 323-324.

  [95] Raffard de Brienne, Les duc d’Athènes et le Linceul, pp. 171-176; Dubarle, Le Linceul de Turín, pp. 173-176; Zaccone, Le manuscrit 826, pp. 214-216. Müller, Festliche Begegnungen, I, pp. 2-241.

  [96] Nikolaos Mesarites, Die Palast-revolution, p. 30, cit. in Wilson, Holy Faces, pp. 154-155, note 30.

  [97] Chioffi, Mummificazione e imbalsamazione, p. 63

  Above: The human face of the shroud with traces of Scripture in Greek and Latin, identified by André Marion and Anne-Laure Courage.

  Above: The Shroud of Turin: the pale, indistinct, yellowish image perceived by the naked eye, is changed by photography into a clear, hyper-realistic picture, full of striking detail.

  Above: A Matteo Planiso miniature depicting the Creator as a man with two faces. Vatican Apostolic Library, ms Vat. lat 3550, f. 5v.

  Above: The Shroud of Turin.

  Above: Innocent III wrote a hymn to celebrate the Veronica, a famous image of the Face of Jesus kept in Rome.

  Above: Knights of the Temple on a war footing. Miniature from a manuscript from the 13th century with the Cantigas of King Alfonso the Wise.

  Above: The so-called “belt of blood” on the Shroud.

  Above: A shroud with the exact kind of holes the Shroud of Turin has is represented in a miniature of the striking Pray manuscript.

  Above: From the earliest days, Christians used to keep portraits of Jesus. This icon was preserved by the monastery of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai. Even a layman can tell that they are drawn from realistic portraits.

  Above: A jar-like object (the same type found at Qumran) was the first container of the shroud, according to a reconstruction made by Aldo Guerreschi and Michele Salcito.

  Above: Miniature from a manuscript depicting the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII receiving the holy mandylion on his arrival from Edessa.

  Above: Byzantine miniature of the 12th century manuscript Rossiano Greco 251 of the Vatican Library.

  Abbreviations for series and periodicals

  “AC” - “Archaeological Chemistry. American Chemical Society Symposium Series”

  “AOL” - “Archives de l’Orient Latin”

  “Apocripha” - “Apocrypha. Revue Internationale des Littératures Apocryphes”

  ARAL - “Atti della Reale Accademia Lucchese”

  BAR - “Biblical Archaeology Review”

  BCIELT - “Bulletin du Centre International d’Études sur le Linceul de Turin”

  BÉFAR - “Bibliothèque de l’École Française d’Athènes et de Rome”

  “Bib”- “Biblica”

  Bible - La Bibbia, Latest version from the original texts, with introductions and notes from.A. Ghirlanda, P. Gironi, F. Pasquero, G. Ravasi, P. Rossano and S. Virgulin; Cinisello Balsamo 1987 [Translator’s note: Biblical passages have been copied from the Authorized/ King James Version]

  “Bib Sacr” - “Biblioteca Sacra”

  “Biblio” - “Bibliologia”

  BS - Bibliotheca Sanctorum, ed. F. Caraffa, 12 vols., Rome 1961-1969, fourth reprint 1998

  “CA” - Cahiers Archéologiques

  “CA.AMA” - Cahiers Archéologiques. Fouilles de l’Antiquité et Moyen Age

  Catholicisme - Catholicisme hier, aujourd’hui, demain, edited by G. Jacquemet, 7 vol., Paris 1948-2000

 

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