by Howard Zinn
The Selma Freedom Chorus sang, the most beautiful singing I had heard since the mass meetings in Albany; among them there were some really small children, some teen-agers, a boy at the piano. There was a big sign up on the platform, “Do You WANT TO BE FREE.” After the singing, everyone went home, through the doors out into the street, where two cars with white men inside had been sitting all evening in the darkness outside the church.
Some of us waited that night at Mrs. Boynton’s for James Baldwin to arrive. He was flying into Birmingham; some SNCC fellows would pick him up there and drive him to Selma. He was coming to observe Freedom Day. While waiting, we sat around in the kitchen and talked. Jim Forman expertly scrambled eggs in a frying pan with one hand, gesturing with the other to make a point. It was after midnight when Baldwin came in, his brother David with him. Everyone sat in the living room and waited for him to say something. He smiled broadly: “You fellows talk. I’m new here. I’m trying to find out what’s happening.” Forman started off; there was a fast exchange of information and opinions, then everyone said goodnight. It was getting close to Freedom Day.
I made notes, almost minute by minute, that October 7, 1963:
9:30 A.M. It was sunny and pleasant in downtown Selma. I asked a Negro man on the corner the way to the county courthouse. He told me, looking at me just a little longer than a Negro looks at a white man in the South. The courthouse is green stone, quite modern looking compared to the rest of Selma. There was already a line of Negroes outside the door, on the steps of the courthouse, then running alongside the building, broken briefly to make room for people going in and out of an alley which ran along the courthouse, then continuing for another seventy-five feet. I counted over a hundred people in line. On the steps of the courthouse and down in the street stood a dozen or so deputy sheriffs and members of Sheriff Clark’s special posse. They wore green helmets or white helmets, guns at their hips, long clubs. One young deputy, black-haired, with very long sideburns, swung a club as long as a baseball bat. A few newspapermen were already on the scene. The editor of the Selma Times-Journal, Arthur Capell, quiet, thin, dark-haired, said: “Those people on line will never get registered. There are three members of the Board inside, and they spend quite some time on each registrant. There’s never been more than thirty or forty registered in one day.” The office would close at 4:30 P.M., and I realized now those people were going to wait on line eight hours, knowing they would not get inside the courthouse. I looked down the line. Middle-aged Negro men and women, some old folks, a few young ones, dressed not in their Sunday best, but neatly, standing close together in line.
In Alabama, as in Mississippi, one doesn’t simply register to vote; one applies to register. This meant filling out a long form with twenty-one questions. Question 15: “Name some of the duties and obligations of citizenship.” Question 15A: “Do you regard those duties and obligations as having priority over the duties and obligations you owe to any other secular organization when they are in conflict?” Then the registrar would ask oral questions, such as, “Summarize the Constitution of the United States.” Three weeks later there would be a postcard: passed or failed. Another quaint thing about registration procedure in Dallas County was that applications were accepted only on the first and third Mondays of each month. Registering at the rate of thirty a day, even if all were passed, it would take ten years for Negroes to make up the 7000 plurality held by white registrants in Dallas County.
9:45 A.M. The line now extended around the corner. I saw Sheriff Jim Clark for the first time, a six-footer with a big stomach, on his green helmet a gold medallion with an eagle, a big gold star on his shirt, the Confederate flag stamped on his helmet, an open collar, epaulets on his shoulders. Gun at his hip.
10:00 A.M. More posse members were arriving and taking up positions near the line. It was clear they hadn’t expected so many Negroes to show up, so that they had to keep calling for reinforcements. I walked down the line counting—about twenty-five inside the door and on the steps, then one hundred down to the corner, then fifty around the corner—total, 175. It was clear and sunny. Cameramen from NBC and CBS were arriving. I noticed a scaffold up one story on the county courthouse; two young white men in painter’s overalls were on the scaffold, puttying windows, suspended eerily over the events below.
10:15 A.M. The line of Negroes growing. Never in the history of Selma had so many Negroes showed up to register to vote. More members of the posse took up positions near the line; now there was an unbroken line of helmeted men in khakis or fatigues, carrying guns at their hips, clubs in their hands.
I wondered if Prathia Hall would show up at the courthouse. She was a field secretary for SNCC, a pleasant, very intelligent young woman from Philadelphia, with a reputation for fervent oratory at mass meetings. She had gained her experience in the movement the preceding year in Terrell County, Georgia. Now she was directing the voter registration campaign in Selma. She’d been absent from the mass meeting Saturday night: word was out that a warrant had been issued for her arrest. Yesterday, Sunday, I had spoken to her at Mrs. Boynton’s house and was going to interview her at length, but we delayed it so she could get some rest (our talk was not to take place, for she was arrested the next day).
10:25 A.M. Jim Forman was coming down the street. Walking alongside him was James Baldwin, in an open collar sportshirt and tan windbreaker, and next to him his brother David. I talked with one of the two Justice Department lawyers here to observe Freedom Day. I looked up and saw the American flag waving overhead; now I realized the new stone building directly across the street from the county courthouse was the federal building. Inside was the federal court; also, the social security office, the draft board, and the local offices of the F.B.I. I asked the Justice Department man, “How many lawyers are there now with the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department?” “About forty,” he said.
I went down the line again, counting, walking between the members of the posse and the Negroes on line. I counted over two hundred. Among them were about ten white people. It was voter registration day for everyone, and the line was integrated. Someone told me that the Citizens Council had put on a special drive to get white people to register today.
The Baldwin brothers walked with Jim Forman as he went down the line, saying hello, encouraging people to stay. “Now you just sit here,” Forman said as he walked along, “just sit here and get some sunshine.” Two posse men followed him. When Forman stopped, one of them said: “Get goin’! You’re blockin the sidewalk.”
10:40 A.M. More posse arriving. Two posse members stood near me, munching peanuts. There were enough now to have them a few feet apart all along the line and around the corner. Nothing in the Deep South was more dangerous to public order, it seemed, than a line of Negro citizens trying to register to vote. Across the street was a police car with two loudspeakers on top. Two young police officers in white helmets were near it. Aside from the dozen or so news photographers and reporters, there were very few white people around—just a handful of onlookers standing at the corner.
11:00 A.M. More people joining the line. I counted again, thinking once more that these people coming on to the line knew they would never enter the courthouse that day. There were twenty on the steps and inside, fifty in the first section up to the alley, one hundred twenty in the second section down to the corner, one hundred around the corner—290 people altogether.
11:15 A.M. Jim Forman spoke to Bruce Gordon about its getting near lunch time. Bruce is a SNCC field secretary, originally from New York. I had talked with him when I arrived in Selma Saturday afternoon, at the First Baptist Church, and he was dressed now as then—he wore jeans and a T-shirt; a pack of cigarettes was stuck inside the shoulder of the T-shirt. He is slim, very dark, with a big head of curly hair, very articulate—a former actor and set man. “My father never taught hate…. He encouraged me to go into the movement, said it’s better to fail grandly than to succeed at piddling little things.… I got out of t
he Army in March, ’62, got to Atlanta in June, got with SNCC…. Julian said to me, ‘how would you like a job with SNCC for ten dollars a week?’ I said, ‘Yes….’ I haven’t seen that money yet.” He laughed. “I had a scholarship at Clark College for this fall, a job with Lockheed for $110 a week, and a chance to play a good role with an overseas troupe which is doing Jamaica in Europe in November. But I threw it all over for the movement. I was in Savannah for a while. Now I’m here.” (The next day someone told me that Bruce had led a demonstration against police headquarters in Savannah, and had spent fifty-five days in jail.)
Forman told Bruce to get three big slabs of boloney and about ten to twelve loaves of bread, to feed the people on line.
11:20 A.M. Forman, Gordon, and I were talking near the side entrance of the County Courthouse, around the corner—no line there. Sheriff Clark came over, his eyes vacant, his voice rising: “All right, clear out of here, you’re blocking the sidewalk!”
11:30 A.M. On the corner, in front of the courthouse door, a man with sound equipment spoke to James Baldwin. Baldwin’s eyes looked enormous, fiery. He waved towards the line of helmeted troopers: “The federal government is not doing what it is supposed to do.…”
11:40 A.M. Nobody up to this point could find a Negro who had come out of the courthouse who had actually gone through the registration procedure. But now a small group gathered around a Negro woman on the corner. “Yes, I went through, just finished. I believe twelve have gone through.” Twelve, in three hours. And over three hundred people on line.
11:45 A.M. The two white men were still on the scaffold above the scene, calmly puttying windows.
11:50 A.M. Jim Forman told us Sheriff Clark and two deputies had just been to Mrs. Boynton’s and arrested Pratbia Hall. The charge was “contributing to the delinquency of a minor.” Clark had just returned from this little mission, for he now appeared behind Forman. His mood was ugly. He poked his club again and again into Forman’s side. “Get on! Get on!” Forman moved down the line towards the end. Ten Negro men were joining the line. We kept going, completely around the corner, Clark now far behind.
11:55 A.M. Forman mused about the problem of getting water to the people on line. The sun was beating down. I was in front of the courthouse door, the posse thicker now. I looked across the street to the federal building and saw there on the steps—standing so still that for a weird moment they looked like statues—two SNCC fellows, holding signs that faced the registration line. One, in overalls and a fedora, had a sign saying, “REGISTER TO VOTE.”
I moved across the street to get a better look. As I did so, Sheriff Clark and three helmeted deputies came walking fast across the street. They went past two Justice Department attorneys and two F.B.I. men up the steps of the federal building and grabbed hold of the two SNCC fellows. Clark called out: “You’re under arrest for unlawful assembly!” A small knot of white men on the corner were yelling: “Get ’em, Big Jim! Get ’em!” The deputies pulled the two fellows down the steps of the federal building and pushed them into a police car. One of the white men on the corner yelled, “You forgot one, Big Jim!” I looked around and saw a lone SNCC man around the corner, on the steps to the other entrance into the federal building, holding a Voter Registration sign. Clark mounted the steps, and reached the lone sign-carrier: “You’re under arrest for unlawful assembly!” He too was pulled into the police car.
I had seen other instances of federal invisibility in Deep South crises, but this was too much. I turned to the Justice Department man near me. “Is that a federal building?” I asked. “Yes,” he said, and turned away. The police car with the three SNCC men sped off.
12:10 P.M. Jim Forman walked over to Mrs. Boynton’s office three blocks away to phone the Atlanta SNCC office about the arrests, and I walked with him. On the way, we intercepted six young SNCC fellows on the way to the county courthouse. Forman waved them back. “We need all of you today. We can’t afford to have any of you arrested.” In the office, before phoning, he sat down for a moment, reached into his overalls and pulled out his ulcer pills. In January, he had had to have surgery on a badly bleeding ulcer, requiring five blood transfusions. “How often do you take those?” I asked. He smiled. “Every two hours. But now, with what we have here, every twenty minutes.” He told me that last night he had wired the Justice Department for federal marshals, sure there would be trouble. The Justice Department had not replied.
12:15 P.M. J. L. Chestnut, the one Negro lawyer in town, a slim, youthful man, came by. Forman said to him: “We’ve got to get Prathia out of jail today. We need her, man.”
In the little room behind Mrs. Boynton’s front office, James Baldwin sat with his brother David. A bottle of Ballantine Scotch was on the table in front of him and a few paper cups of water. He was writing in his notebook. Forman and the fellows in the office began discussing how to get the people on line fed. Many of them had been there since early in the morning with no food, no water. Someone suggested that there was a Community Center two blocks from the courthouse where food might be set up. People could leave the line in groups, get fed at the center, then return. They considered this idea for a while until someone said that it would be bad psychologically for people to leave the line; some might not return. Jim agreed. Food would either have to be brought to the line, or people would come across the street to a food station and then return.
In the front office, a young Negro woman, fair-skinned, her hair tinted lightly with red, was sitting at a desk going over the registration form with an old bent Negro woman who might have been seventy. She read off the questions, and with each one, asked, “Do you understand, mother?” The woman nodded her head calmly each time.
Word came back that the registrars had stopped registering for the lunch period. They would start again at two. Forman said, “We’ve got to keep those people in line.” Again, the question of food and drink was discussed. More word from the courthouse: a caravan of automobiles with state troopers had arrived at the county courthouse. People counted 350 Negroes on the registration line.
I walked back alone to the courthouse. The state troopers’ autos were lined up along the curb from one end of the street to the other—eleven long automobiles, searchlights mounted on top. The troopers themselves had now taken posts all along the registration line—about forty of them—with blue helmets, clubs, guns. A few of them, apparently in command, were bunched near the courthouse entrance. Their commander, Colonel Al Lingo, the veteran bully of Birmingham and the Freedom Walk, the man who had made infamous the use of electric prods in civil rights demonstrations, was not around. Taking his place was a hefty trooper with gold leaf insignia on his shoulders, Major Joe Smelley. I got up close to the troopers near the door. Several of them were holding cattle prods, squarish sticks with prongs at the end, the juice supplied by a battery and activated by a touch of the finger, burning the skin wherever it touched.
1:30 P.M. I stood across the street near the federal building and talked to one of the Justice Department attorneys, a young Negro lawyer in the Civil Rights Division. He shook his head sadly. “I’ve become jaded. A young Negro fellow comes up to me with his face cut and tells me a policeman did it, and I shrug my shoulders. Sure, I think these local officials are breaking the law. But someone up there in Washington doesn’t think so.”
1:40 P.M. Jim Forman conferred briefly with a representative of the Department of Justice. The problem was the same: how to get the people fed. The word had gotten through the fine that the troopers would not let anyone leave and return to the line. Joe Smelley stood there, near the head of the line, surrounded by a coterie of blue helmets, a cigar in his mouth. The sun was warmer; the hunger on the line was greater; Jim Forman’s anger was increasing; the Justice Department lawyers were more nervous. Tension was building up on that normally quiet corner, now a blur of painted helmets and armed men. A SNCC car was parked in front of the federal building and in it were the sandwiches. The only problem was: how to get them to the p
eople on line without breaking up the line.
1:45 P.M. A Negro lawyer, visiting Selma this day from Detroit, made no effort to contain his fury, as he spoke to me about the impotence of the federal government on that corner in Selma, Alabama: four F.B.I. men, two Justice Department lawyers, an American flag overhead, a great carved stone eagle on the corner near the federal building. The lawyer’s language was neither academic nor legal. He pointed to the young, dark-haired F.B.I. man ten feet away and shook his head. “He’s a real hot number, isn’t he! Boy, whenever anyone tells me about the F.B.I.…” His own words seemed to build his anger, because he suddenly walked over to the F.B.I. man and said, “Say, you see any violations today?” The F.B.I. man took his eye from the camera he was holding. He looked surprised, mildly annoyed. He didn’t say anything. The Negro lawyer persisted: “I asked you if you saw any violations of federal law today?” The F.B.I. man said “No comment,” and walked away.
1:50 P.M. It was fairly clear by now that the sheriff, his posse, and the state troopers were determined that the people on line would not be fed or approached in any way. At this moment, a little old white man walked down the line of Negroes, unconcerned, and immune. He was selling newspapers, and doing very well; after all, he was the line’s only direct contact with the outside world.
1:55 P.M. Word kept coming to Jim Forman, “People won’t leave the line to get something to eat. They’re afraid they won’t be able to get back!”
Forman and Mrs. Boynton walked across the street from the federal building to the courthouse entrance to talk to Sheriff Jim Clark. The Sheriff seemed to be in a rage. The conversation went something like this (I was a few feet away and scribbled as fast as I could):
FORMAN: We’d like to bring food to these people on line. They’ve been waiting all day.