60. See S. Blaylock, Tille Höyük 3.1 The Iron Age: Introduction, Stratification and Architecture (2009), 129–34 and 158–62.
61. A. R. George, ‘The bricks of E-sagil’, Iraq 57 (1995), 173–97; and see Chapter 8.
CHAPTER 5
1. Translation made using M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 21–37 (1997), 635–9, and P. M. Joyce, Ezekiel: A Commentary (2007), 185.
2. A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, vol. 1, Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 2 (1991), 55.
3. M. Birot, Lettres de Yaqqim-Addu, Archives Royales de Mari XIV (1974).
4. For a variant on it, known from his reign in Assyria, as tunnels with inscriptions, see in this chapter the description of the Negoub tunnel.
5. See A. Fuchs in R. Borger, Beiträge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals (1996), 283, §132.
6. See D. T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity (1990), 390; R. Boucharlat, ‘Archaeology and artifacts of the Arabian peninsula’, ed. J. M. Sasson, Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 2 (1995), 1345–6; and W. Y. al-Tikriti, ‘The origin of the falaj: further evidence from the United Arab Emirates’, eds. L. Al-Gailani-Werr, J. E. Curtis, H. Martin, A. McMahon, J. Oates and J. E. Reade, Of Pots and Plans (2002), 339–55. For the persisting incorrect attribution to the Persians see e.g. T. Hodge, ‘Qanats’, ed. O. Wikander, Handbook of Ancient Water Technology (2000), 35–8; J. P. Oleson, ‘Irrigation’, in the same volume, 196; M. J. T. Lewis, Surveying Instruments of Greece and Rome (2001), 18.
7. See e.g. H. Goblot, Les Qanats: Une technique d’acquisition de l’eau (1979), 67–9; D. Parry, Engineering in the Ancient World (2005), 32.
8. R. Ghirshman, Tchoga Zanbil: Mémoires de la délégation en Perse, 40, vol. 2 (1968), 98–100. The name of the king Untash-Napiriša was previously read Untash-GAL. See e.g. D. T. Potts, The Archaeology of Elam (1999), 222–30.
9. See S. Dalley, ‘Water management in Assyria from the ninth to the seventh centuries BC’, ARAM 13–14 (2001–2), 443–60; D. Oates and J. Oates, Nimrud: An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed (2001), 33–5; J. N. Postgate, Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 9 (1998–2001), s.v. Negub.
10. F. Safar, ‘Sennacherib’s project for supplying Erbil with water’, Sumer 3 (1947), 23–5; J. Laessøe, ‘The irrigation system at Ulhu, 8th century BC’, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 5 (1951), 29–30; A. Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten (2000), 225–6.
11. M. O. Korfmann, Troia/Wilusa Guidebook (revised edn. 2005), 123–5.
12. V. Aravantinos, E. Kountouri and I. Fappas, ‘To mykēnaiko apostraggistiko systēma tēs Kopaidas’, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Ancient Greek Technology, Athens (2006), 557–64.
13. Details are given by Lewis, Surveying Instruments (2001), chapter 10.
14. According to J. Ur, ‘Sennacherib’s northern Assyrian canals’, Iraq 67 (2005), 340.
15. G. Loud and C. B. Altman, Khorsabad Part II: The Citadel and the Town (1938), 56.
16. R. Hope-Simpson, ‘The Mycenaean highways’, Classical Views, Échos du monde classique 42 (1998), 244–51.
17. T. Jacobsen and S. Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct at Jerwan (1935), 6.
18. Some of them are extensively discussed by Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten (2000), 147–54.
19. Bull inscription 36–42, see A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad (1994), 66, lines 36–42.
20. Cylinder inscription 34–7, see Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II (1994), 292.
21. V. Place, Ninive et l’Assyrie, vol. 2 (1867), 275–9, plates 38 and 39.
22. Author’s translation based on Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II (1994), 280. The change from a first to a third person narrative—‘I’ to ‘he’—suggests that two earlier inscriptions have been combined.
23. M. S. Drower, ‘Water supply, irrigation, and agriculture’, eds. C. Singer et al., A History of Technology, vol. 1 (1954), 528–32 also described the aqueduct.
24. See Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten (2000), 207–24.
25. J. E. Reade, ‘Studies in Assyrian geography Part 1: Sennacherib and the waters of Nineveh’, Revue d’Assyriologie 73 (1978), 47–72, and Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 9 (1998–2001), 404–7 s.v. ‘Ninive’, with fig. 9.
26. The sketch-map of Nineveh (Fig. 26) shows two lines labelled ‘conduit of Sennacherib’ located alongside a projected part of the South-West Palace. See R. Campbell Thompson and R. Hutchinson, ‘The excavations on the temple of Nabu at Nineveh’, Archaeologia 79 (1929), pl. LXII. They might indicate how and where the water reached the palace.
27. Jacobsen and Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct; Reade, ‘Studies in Assyrian geography’, Revue d’Assyriologie 72 (1978), 47–72 (note that fig. 13b there is upside down); J. Ur, ‘Sennacherib’s northern Assyrian canals’, Iraq 67 (2005), 317–45.
28. Bavian and Khinnis are the names of an adjacent hamlet and village; the rock inscription and the rock sculptures are known by both names.
29. For a colour photograph of the dam in recent times see J. Reade, Assyrian Sculpture (1983), fig. 104.
30. Frahm, Einleitung (1997), 151–4, updated the edition on which T. Jacobsen, in Sennacherib’s Aqueduct at Jerwan (1935), 36–40, based his translation.
31. Jacobsen and Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct (1935), 28–30.
32. The word for ‘aqueduct’ and ‘causeway’ is the same as the word for ‘bridge’.
33. Jacobsen and Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct (1935), 19–27, author’s modified translation.
34. See S. Parpola and M. Porter, The Helsinki Atlas of the Near East in the Neo-Assyrian Period (2001), 28.
35. For details see L. Pearson, The Lost Histories of Alexander the Great (1960), 162 and 234–5.
36. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon (1853), 207–8. See also Jacobsen and Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct (1935), 4 and 32 fig. 9; J. E. Reade, ‘Greco-Parthian Nineveh’, Iraq 60 (1998), 66; R. Lane Fox, Alexander the Great (1973), 228–31.
37. C. L. Woolley, The Sumerians (1928), 191; A. W. Lawrence, Greek Architecture (3rd edn. 1973), 228–9, and (4th edn. 1983), 295 for a pointed arch in a Lycian heroon of the early 4th century BC at Trysa.
38. L. Lancaster, ‘Roman engineering and construction’, ed. Oleson, Oxford Handbook of Engineering and Technology (2008), 260.
39. Jacobsen and Lloyd, Sennacherib’s Aqueduct (1935), 15–16. Compare for a similar surprise E. C. Stone, D. H. Linsley, V. Pigott, G. Harbottle and M. T. Ford, ‘From shifting silt to solid stone: the manufacture of synthetic basalt in ancient Mesopotamia’, Science 280 (1998), 2091–3.
40. Herodotus, History, book 1, 185, translation by A. de Sélincourt, Penguin Classics (1954), 87.
41. Bagg, Assyrische Wasserbauten (2000), 337, lines 209–16.
42. Bavian Inscription lines 27–34. Author’s translation based on Jacobsen in Sennacherib’s Aqueduct (1935), 38, with improved readings of Frahm, Einleitung (1997), 152–4.
43. Burstein, Babyloniaca of Berossus (1978), 27: a quotation attributed to Abydenus in the Chronicle of Eusebius.
44. Apsu refers to the fresh water beneath the earth in which the god Ea lived, and which he controlled.
45. Luckenbill, Annals of Sennacherib (1924), 74–5, lines 74–81.
46. Xenophon, Oeconomicus, ed. S. Pomeroy (1994), extracts from 123–7.
47. See C. Ambos, ‘Building rituals from the first millennium BC: the evidence from the ritual texts’, eds. M. J. Boda and J. Novotny, From the Foundations to the Crenellations (2010), 227–8; and J. Novotny, ‘Temple building in Assyria: evidence from royal inscriptions’, same vol., 119–20.
48. BM 90864 and 90865.
49. Cotton was grown in Egypt in the reign of Ramesses II, see L. Manniche, An Ancient Egyptian Herbal (1989), 19–20, and has been found in Assyria in the time of Sennacherib, see J. Alvarez-Mon, The Arjan Tomb: At the Crossroads of the Elamite and Persian Empires (2010), 35.
50. Prism inscription V.53–63.
51. See C
hapter 9.
52. T. Ornan, ‘The god-like semblance of a king: the case of Sennacherib’s rock reliefs’, eds. J. Cheng and M. Feldman, Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context: Studies in Honor of Irene J. Winter (2007), 169.
CHAPTER 6
1. See G. Farber, Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 7 (1987–90), s.v. ‘me’, 610–13.
2. For a translation see G. Farber, ‘Inanna and Enki’, ed. W. Hallo, The Context of Scripture, vol. 1 (1997), 522–6.
3. R. Khoury, ‘Babylon in der ältesten Version über die Geschichte der Propheten im Islam’, ed. G. Mauer, Ad bene et fideliter seminandum, Festschrift for K.-H. Deller (1988), 129.
4. Xenophon, Cyropaedia books II and VI.
5. J. Macginnis, ‘Ctesias and the fall of Nineveh’, Illinois Classical Studies 13/1 (1988), 37–41, to be understood as a deliberate transposition according to the work of R. Bichler, ‘Ktesias “korrigiert” Herodot: Zur literarischen Einschätzung der Persika’, eds. H. Heftner and K. Tomaschitz, Ad Fontes!, Festschrift für Gerhard Dobesch (2004), 105–16.
6. Diodorus Siculus II.8.6.
7. See A. R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts (1992), 18–29.
8. Pongratz-Leisten, Ina šulmi erub (1994), 210.
9. For an edition of lists giving fifteen of them with variants, see Pongratz-Leisten, Ina šulmi erub (1994), 211–15.
10. Ibbi-Su’en of Ur used the motif in a year-name, and Lipit-Ishtar of Isin in a hymn.
11. M. Rivaroli, ‘Nineveh from ideology to topography’, Iraq 66 (2004), 199–205; M. van de Mieroop, ‘A tale of two cities: Nineveh and Babylon’, Iraq 66 (2004), 1–5.
12. See ‘Enki’s Journey to Nibru’, eds. J. Black, G. Cunnungham, E. Robson and G. Zolyomi, The Literature of Ancient Sumer (2004), 330–3.
13. ‘Song of the Pickaxe’, see R. J. Clifford, Creation Accounts in the Ancient Near East (1994), 30–2.
14. See e.g. A. R. George, ‘Marduk and the cult of the gods of Nippur at Babylon’, Orientalia 66 (1997), 65–70.
15. See M. Krebernik, Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 9 (1998–2001), s.v. ‘Ninlil (Mulliltu, Mulissu)’, 453.
16. A. Fuchs, ‘Die Inschrift vom Ištar-Tempel’, chapter VII in R. Borger, Beiträge zu Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals (1996), 258–96.
17. P.-A. Beaulieu, ‘The cult of AN.ŠÁR/Aššur in Babylonia after the fall of the Assyrian empire’, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 11 (1997), 55–74.
18. A. Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea, State Archives of Assyria 3 (1989), 18, no. 7, line 6.
19. T. Abusch, ‘The form and meaning of a Babylonian prayer to Marduk’, Journal of the American Oriental Society 103 (1983), 3–15, notes alterations that Sargon II made to a much earlier hymn to show a close association between Calah (Nimrud) and Babylon, suggesting that Calah too may have been another ‘Babylon’.
20. A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, Texts from Assyrian and Babylonian Sources 5 (1970), no. 16, lines 1–4.
21. E. Frahm, ‘Counter-texts, commentaries, and adaptations: politically motivated responses to the Babylonian Epic of Creation in Mesopotamia, the biblical world, and elsewhere’, ed. A. Tsukimoto, Conflict, Peace and Religion in the Ancient Near East, Orient 45 (2010), 3–33.
22. E. Frahm, ‘Die akītu-Häuser von Ninive’, Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et utilitaires 66 (2000).
23. E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Commentaries: Origins of Interpretation (2011), 349–55.
24. For details see S. Dalley, ‘Babylon as a name for other cities including Nineveh’, eds. R. D. Biggs, J. Myers and M. T. Roth, Proceedings of the 51st Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 2005 (2008), 25–33.
25. V. Angenot, ‘A Horizon of Aten in Memphis?’, Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 35 (2008), 7–26.
26. Also known as Ibn al-Zarqallu.
27. See A. Becker and U. Becker, ‘“Altes” und “Neues” Babylon’, Baghdader Mitteilungen 22 (1991), 508.
28. Herodotus, History, I.185.
29. Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, II.3, 2–4. An overview of this confusion, with references, is given in Dalley, ‘Babylon as a name for other cities’ (2008), 25–33, where detailed references can be found.
30. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC) (1996), 204–5.
31. Ṣalmu means a statue or stela that represents a person, not necessarily with a physical likeness. See e.g. Z. Bahrani, The Graven Image (2003), 123.
32. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (1996), 226.
33. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (1996), 226–7.
34. M. Mallowan, Nimrud and its Remains, vol. 1 (1966), 260. The statues are in the British Museum, BM 118888 (Ht.1.78) and 118889. See Reade, Assyrian Sculpture (1983), fig. 43 for a photograph.
35. See Mallowan, Nimrud and its Remains, vol. 2 (1966), 443–50, esp. plate on p. 447.
36. Mallowan, Nimrud and its Remains, vol. 1, 284–5.
37. See S. Dalley, ‘The Greek Novel Ninus and Semiramis’, ed. T. Whit-marsh, The Romance between Greece and the East, forthcoming.
38. K. Clarke, ‘Universal perspectives in historiography’, ed. C. S. Kraus, The Limits of Historiography: Genre and Narrative in Ancient Historical Texts (1999), 253, re the universal history of Pompeius Trogus.
39. See R. Lane Fox, Alexander the Great (1973), 387.
40. J. C. Yardley, Justin: Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, Books 11–12 (1997), 268, quoting Nearchus apud Arrian 6.24.2–3, and Strabo, 15.1.5. C 686.
41. S. Dalley, ‘Semiramis in history and legend’, ed. E. Gruen, Cultural Borrowings and Ethnic Appropriations in Antiquity (2005), 11–22. See also S. C. Melville, The Role of Naqia/Zakutu in Sargonid Politics (1999), and Dalley, ‘The Greek Novel Ninus and Semiramis’, ed. T. Whitmarsh, The Romance between Greece and the East, forthcoming.
42. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Königs von Assyrien (1956), §86—a five-sided foundation prism, extant in three separate copies.
43. S. Cole and P. Machinist, Letters from Priests, State Archives of Assyria XIII (1998), nos. 61, 76, 77; and see Melville, The Role of Naqi’a-Zakutu (1999), 44–7.
44. S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, State Archives of Assyria X (1993), no. 348.
45. Melville, The Role of Naqia/Zakutu (1999), appendix A, lists the sources.
46. Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, II.8.8. See Melville, The Role of Naqia/Zakutu (1999), figs. 1 and 2.
47. E. Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian period vol. 4 (2011), 323, no. 2010.
48. Borger, Inschriften Asarhaddons (1956), §86.
49. A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White, ‘Aspects of Seleucid royal ideology’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (1991), 71–86.
50. J. Lightfoot, Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess (2003), 351–2.
51. B. Yildirim, ‘Identities and empire: local mythology and the self-representation of Aphrodisias’, ed. B. E. Borg, Paideia: The World of the Second Sophistic (2004), 23–52.
CHAPTER 7
1. Translated by John Evelyn, 1673.
2. Sargon uses the word bronze perhaps meaning copper. See J. A. Brinkman, ‘Textual evidence for bronze in Babylonia in the Early Iron Age, 1000–539 B.C.’, ed. J. E. Curtis, Bronze-Working Centres of Western Asia c.1000–539 B.C. (1988), 135–68.
3. This is Classical Mt. Cassius, named here after the great god Ba’al-of-the-North; the other named mountains have not been identified. See A. M. Bagg, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der neuassyrischen Zeit, Teil 1: Die Levante (2007), s.v. Ba‘al-Ṣapuna.
4. A. Fuchs, Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad (1994), 128–30, Annals §222.
5. The hilāni palaces are discussed below.
6. S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II Part 1: Letters from Assyria and the West (1987), no. 66. See the descri
ption later in this chapter, and Fig. 46.
7. See P. Albenda, The Palace of Sargon (1986).
8. L. Kataja and R. Whiting, Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Neo-Assyrian Period (1995), 20–2.
9. Fuchs, Inschriften Sargons II (1994), 78 and 309.
10. Muṣaṣir, now located in north-western Iran, cult centre of the great Urartian god Haldi.
11. Sadly damaged, see Barnett, Sculptures from the North Palace of Ashurbanipal (1976), pl. 23, BM 124939.
12. The dimensions are comparable to those of Windsor Castle in England.
The Mystery of the Hanging Garden of Babylon: An Elusive World Wonder Traced Page 26