Big Porn Inc: Exposing the Harms of the Global Pornography Industry

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Big Porn Inc: Exposing the Harms of the Global Pornography Industry Page 14

by Melinda Tankard Reist


  1 They are similar to those far more dangerous, illegal and hard to find snuff films of women being killed for sexual pleasure of the person who watches the film. Just a rumor, some will say. Others call it an urban myth. But I have no reason to doubt that such films exist, are produced by killing real women and are watched by men (pretty much exclusively the audience for such films) from all walks of life. Much like incest, this is not something that happens only in the poorest of neighborhoods. Businessmen, lawyers, doctors, college professors and other elite members of society throughout the Western world pay to see these films in private showings. People who say there are no such things are being willfully blind. Even the daily news brings proof that they exist. Even as I write these lines the commander of Canada’s largest Air Force base, Colonel Russell Williams, who once flew prime ministers and served as a pilot to the Queen during a 2005 visit, pleaded guilty to 2 first-degree murder charges, 2 sexual assaults and 82 breaking-and-entering charges. Prosecutors warned the court that details of the killings were horrific before explaining how Williams bound, beat, raped, photographed, videotaped and asphyxiated Marie Comeau, a 38-year-old corporal, and Jessica Lloyd, 27. No mention is made of the purpose of the videotapes, but it is beyond doubt that such ‘movies’ are made-for-profit films and can be ordered on command, just as can animal crush videos.

  2 I would make the same point about the sexually suggestive photographs by Sally Mann of her young naked children. There is no way for a child to know how they will feel about such photographs when they are adults. It is disingenuous to claim, as Sally Mann and her supporters do, that her children, now adults are ‘fine’ with the photos and even proud of them. That may well be. But it cannot be known in advance. And what if those same children, as adults, eventually change their mind? The photos cannot be recalled. There is no meaningful way to speak of ‘consent’ for young children who are being viewed in ways they cannot yet understand. I really don’t care how good the photographs are. That would be like saying the crush videos of the animals have nice color composition. Tell that to the dead animals. And what of the children of the children? How might they respond? Why should ‘art’ trump all other ethical considerations? When I was a university student in France, a friend told me he found the holocaust, apart from its moral dimension, a ‘superb spectacle’. He was Jewish, as was I. I stared in disbelief at him. I later learned he was hardly alone.

  3 Arts Law: Animal Rights and Artistic Freedom .

  4 See and for a feminist critique of PETA see .

  Robi Sonderegger

  Neurotica: Modern Day Sexual Repression

  At the height of the 1960s American counterculture revolution, folklorist and social critic Gershon Legman coined the slogan ‘Make love not war’. Notwithstanding the popular use of the term by activists in opposition to the Vietnam War, the slogan originated from Legman’s deeply held views that sexual repression and censorship of erotic publications were the cause of escalating violence and sadism in American culture (in Landesman, 1999). Despite Legman’s best intentions, however, the sexual revolution delivered more than he bargained for. As sexual and interpersonal norms were challenged in pursuit of ‘sexual freedom’, new types of repression emerged in the form of the capitalist commercialisation of sex. The ‘sexual freedom’ that people aspired to in the 1960s was exploited by big business in the 70s and 80s with the production of pornography en masse (Jong et al., 2003). Any notion of ‘Make love not war’ quickly became ‘Make money not love’.

  Renowned political theorist and philosopher on the sexual revolution, Herbert Marcuse, argued that the notion of ‘sexual freedom’ was almost oxymoronic. Despite being an advocate for sexual expression in art and literature in its true form, he challenged the Freudian-style thinking of the day that suggested the commercialisation of sexual liberty would only result in social enslavement. Indeed, contrary to the myth that pornography could somehow enhance intimacy, free the libido, or grant a liberating outlet for sexual expression, sexualised media has ultimately became a source of addiction and bondage (US Attorney General’s Commission on Pornography, 1986). In his classic One-Dimensional Man (1964/1994) Marcuse describes this as a process of Repressive Desublimation: when the best sellers of oppression defile authentic sexuality by replacing relational intimacy with a commodity to be consumed. The sexual revolution was supposed to throw off outdated constrictions. However, in an endeavour to cheapen and profane what so many consider sacred, ‘sexual freedom’ has been hijacked by industrialised, mass-produced, stereotyped pornography which only represses authentic sexual expression and intimacy. Marcuse contends that hope and truth preserved in the sublimations of higher culture are both betrayed and destroyed (1994/1994, p. 60).

  Paradoxically, with the relaxation of laws relating to the commercial availability of sexually explicit material and the increasing demand to satisfy newly cultivated sexual appetites, greater liberality has been taken in the production of hardcore and violent content. In a recent investigation of pornographic subject matter (Bridges et al., 2010), almost 90% of scenes in the most popular adult films incorporated verbal aggression (48%: name calling/insults; threatening physical harm; and/or using coercive language) and physical aggression (88.2%: pushing/shoving; biting; pinching; pulling hair; spanking; open-hand slapping; gagging; choking; threatening with weapon; kicking; closed-fist punching; bondage/confining; using weapons; torturing, mutilating and attempting murder). Such aggression (averaging 11.52 acts per scene) was mostly perpetrated against women, by both men (72.7% of offences) and women (27.0% of offences).

  While not everyone who views pornography goes on to develop sexual behaviour problems, for many pornography seems to both create and exacerbate pathology. Similar to other mental health professionals, I’ve observed a disturbing trend among pornography consumers towards both compulsive behaviours and the development of abnormal interests, over which clients report having little control. According to Dr William Struthers, Associate Professor in Biopsychology, pornography creates significant confusion for the human brain. As pornography consumption increases, autonomy (freedom over what a person thinks and pursues) decreases, leaving one’s sexual drive screaming for an outlet. “Sexually acting out in response to pornography creates sexual associations that are stored as hormonal and neurological habits. These associations are seared into the fabric of the brain” (2009, p. 59).

  As the brain’s limbic system becomes dependent on the neurological rewards1 of viewing pornography, many consumers need to employ cognitive defence strategies to deal with the resulting dissonance and identity confusion. Over time, defence mechanisms mutate to justify more extreme sexual interests and behaviours. According to Dr Struthers, pornography consumers start with denial (avoiding disclosure due to cultural stigma), and progress to minimisation (asserting control over viewing habits and playing down its impact), to normalisation (arguing everyone is doing it so it must be acceptable), to rationalisation and justification (endeavouring to use logical arguments to excuse viewing, or acting out after viewing, pornography), and ultimately end up in celebration (embracing sexual exploitation and revelling in one’s habitual behaviour). Emeritus Professor in Psychology, Dr Victor Cline, reports a similar progression from pornography consumption to sexually deviant interests and delinquency.2 Based on observations over the course of treating hundreds of clients with sexual behaviour problems, Dr Cline has identified 4 progressive phases in the aetiology of sexually abhorrent interests and behaviours (2001, pp. 3–4):

  1. Compulsive pornography viewing accompanied by masturbation and subsequent sexual release;

  2. Escalation of explicit content (more violent, extreme or deviant) to achieve the same sexual high through masturbation and sexual release;

  3. Desensitisation to
material that initially may have been repulsive, shocking or even illegal (despite being contrary to previously held moral beliefs and personal standards), coming to see it not only as common place, but also justifying, rationalising, and defending it; and

  4. An intense desire or propensity to sexually act out a range of abhorrent behaviours viewed in pornography (e.g. compulsive promiscuity, exhibitionism, voyeurism, violence, child molestation, rape). As sexually deviant behaviours take hold, clients find themselves locked into a neurotic addiction cycle that is pursued at all costs – irrespective of potential negative consequences.

  The state of being neurotic or engaging neurotic behaviour stems from a psychiatric condition known as neurosis. Characteristics of neurosis typically manifest as obsessional thoughts and compulsive behaviours. To varying degrees, neurotic thoughts dominate one’s personality and result in interpersonal maladjustment. Interestingly, such patterns of neurotic thoughts and behaviours are widely reported in explorative research on the role pornography consumption plays in the development of sexual dysfunction. Is there a connection between pornography and neurosis?

  The empirical literature refers to sexually neurotic thoughts and behaviours as paraphilia. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) “… paraphilia is characterised by recurrent, intense sexual urges, fantasies, or behaviours that involve unusual objects, activities, or situations.” More specifically, paraphilia generally involves “1) nonhuman objects, 2) the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one’s partner, or 3) children or other nonconsenting persons …” (American Psychiatric Association, 2000, pp. 535, 566).

  Given that many of these paraphilia are also criminal activities, research parameters make it difficult to conclusively ascertain how such sexual dysfunction and deviancy develop. Nevertheless, it should be noted that there are strong parallels between sexual dysfunction and published pornographic materials. Most pathological conditions are also common pornographic sub-genres.3 Table 1 provides a breakdown of some of the most common online pornographic sub-genres, their descriptions and their popularity both in the number of available Webpages (generated through a Google Web search) and the average number of searches performed globally each month (calculated by Google AdWords). These sub-themes almost perfectly match the clinical forms of sexual paraphilia acknowledged in forensic psychiatry.

  Table 1: Online pornographic sub-genres (listed in order of predominance)

  Online search terms

  Description

  Total Web pagesa

  Total monthly searchesb

  Teen sex

  Involving actual post-pubescent adolescents

  81,700,000

  N/Ac

  Animal sex

  Involving the sexual engagement of animals (Bestiality)

  50,300,000

  6,120,000

  Bondage

  Involving sadism & masochism

  29,400,000

  5,000,000

  Spankwire

  Involving the violent mutilation of reproductive organs

  16,600,000

  7,480,000

  Bukkake

  Involving numerous men (10+) having sex with one wo(man)

  17,900,000

  1,500,000

  Voyeur sex

  Involves filming & spying on people while dressing/showering

  15,900,000

  135,000

  Twink porn

  Involving younger/slender looking boys

  8,210,000

  135,000

  Crush sex

  Involving the killing of small animals (also called Hard Crush)

  7,740,000

  5400

  Vomit sex

  Involving vomiting & gagging (Emetophilia pornography)

  3,790,000

  9900

  Rough sex

  Involving humiliation, choking, hair-pulling

  3,250,000

  368,000

  Scat porn

  Involving defecation, manipulation/ consumption of feces

  3,050,000

  165,000

  Lolita sex

  Involving underage-looking performers (appearing 15-18 years)

  2,200,000

  N/Ac

  Rape sex

  Involving real or portrayed forced unconsensual sex

  2,770,000

  550,000

  Diaper porn

  Involving performers pretending to be infants

  1,730,000

  27,100

  Wired porn

  Involving electrical shocks & use of electrocution devices

  1,690,000

  2400

  Pre-teen sex

  Involving actual pre-pubescent children

  1,560,000

  N/Ac

  Exhibitionist sex

  Involves public genital exposure (from flashing to intercourse)

  1,360,000

  2900

  Snuff sex

  Involving actual death of participants, consenting or otherwise

  1,280,000

  6600

  Menstrual porn

  Involving menstruating women (with focus on menstrual blood)

  531,000

  9900

  Felching sex

  Involving the suction of recently-ejaculated semen from the anus

  480,000

  170

  Guro sex

  Involving blood, gore, disfiguration, mutilation, urine or feces

  278,000

  480

  ___________________________

  a Total number of pornography sub-genre Google generated Webpages in 2010 (accessed 15 December, 2010).

  b Average number of global monthly Google searches in 2010: Data specific to Keyword Match Type (derived from Google AdWords, calculated 15 December, 2010).

  c Number of Google AdWords searches publicly restricted. However Google Trends reports juvenile sex search terms were, by far, the most popular of all requests in 2010 (derived from Google Trends, calculated on 20 December, 2010).

  The mere parallel between deviant sexual pathology and popular pornography sub-themes does not warrant the conclusion that one is determined by the other. According to Kingston et al. (2008) other relevant moderating variables, such as family background and transient emotional states, may also contribute to an individual’s predisposition in relation to sexualised media. Yet, the socially corrosive power of unregulated commercialised pornography is clearly acknowledged throughout scientific literature.

  Not only does pornography activate and reinforce inappropriate cognitive representations (fostering sexual preoccupation), repeated exposure to pornography has been found to “help shape an individual’s fantasies, perceptions, rationalizations, and deeper core beliefs” (Kingston et al., 2008, p. 349). Empirical studies4 into the effects of pornography have consistently shown that the degradation encouraged by pornography encourages negative attitudes and dominant behaviours towards women, including the heightened proclivity towards coercive sex. This is especially true of pornography that advocates aggression and violence towards women, which, based on findings that aggression rates in pornographic scenes have nearly tripled in recent years (Bridges et al., 2010), can be considered the overwhelming majority.

  According to social, operant, and classical learning theories,5 consumers model what they learn from sexually explicit media when the sexual acts they observe are positively reinforced. Most disturbingly, Bridges et al. (2010), found that when aggressed against, 95.9% of female pornography actors responded with approving (expressions of pleasure) or condoning (expressions of neutrality) responses.6 To the extent that consumers of mainstream pornography learn that verbal and physical sexual aggression is rewarding, they are more likely to incorporate coercive aggression in their own sexual encounters. An overwhelming number of empirical studies have now established a significant relationship between the consumption of sexually explicit media and sexual delinquency. Irrespec
tive of additional mediating/moderating variables, pornography contributes directly to pro-sexual-offending attitudes, intimate relationship difficulties, sexual callousness, disinterest in the suffering of others, and desensitisation to violence against women, acceptance of male dominance and female servitude, leniency toward rapists in legal proceedings, accepting various rape myths (that rape can be justified), self-assessed proclivity to force sex on women, and the direct instigation of sexual assault (Dèttore and Giannelli, 2008; Marshall, 2000; Waltman, 2008). Pornography has been rendered “instrumentally causal in the aetiology of sex offending” (Itzin, 2002, p. 21).

  Violence against women is a human rights violation, yet the industry that fuels the production and distribution of pornography continues unabated in the denigration of women and the indirect facilitation of the most heinous of crimes. Meta-analyses of published research show consistent and reliable evidence that exposure to explicitly violent as well as so-called non-violent pornography has a direct influence on gender violence. This is true not only for adults, but also minors. In one study, an overwhelming majority (97%) of juvenile sex offenders disclosed their involvement with pornography (Wieckowski et al., 1998). It has also been demonstrated that juvenile sex offenders who consume pornography have a greater propensity to engage in rape, forced oral or digital penetration, verbal aggression, exhibitionism and bestiality (Alexy et al., 2009). In fact, research into developmental harm from pornography exposure is so conclusive, that the empirical literature now considers it to be beyond question (Oddone–Paolucci et al., 2000).

  Juvenile sex crime victims are also exposed to pornography by perpetrators in an endeavour to normalise sexual behaviours and facilitate subsequent grooming. Research studies conducted with child sex offenders (convicted for indecent assault, rape and buggery) have repeatedly found pornography to be used as part of the crime, with prevalence rates ranging from 33% (Elliot et al., 1995) to 55% (Langevin and Curnoe, 2004). Yet just as sex offenders groom their victims, so it appears the pornography industry inconspicuously grooms consumers. With pornography gaining unrestricted access into the homes and minds of ordinary people, more than at any other time in human history, unsuspecting consumers are undeniably conditioned. Therefore, it is reprehensible for policy makers to remain idle on the issue of pornography. Based on the empirical research reviewed in this chapter, it could well be argued that to produce, distribute, consume, or even passively condone pornography, is to endorse sexual violence against women. The discrepancy between the sex industry’s spin about ‘sexual freedom’ and our actual human liberty is so great that it is legitimate to suggest Legman’s ideology has ultimately become ‘Make war not love’.

 

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