by Oliver North
In December 2007 our FOX News War Stories team—cameraman Mal James, producer Andy Stenner, and I—accompanied by Chuck Holton, the editor of this book, went back to Iraq to evaluate for ourselves the progress being made "on the ground." What we found was stunning. Here's the short form:
• The "Awakening" that began in Al Anbar province and that we saw and reported on so vividly in December 2006 is spreading throughout Iraq. The tactic of establishing permanent joint Iraqi-U.S.-manned police and security stations in areas previously controlled by Sunni or Shiite terror groups and militias is succeeding everywhere it is being tried.
• Al Qaeda's response—increasing brutality against the Iraqi people—has failed miserably. It has thoroughly alienated much of the Sunni population against the Al Qaeda organization in Iraq, prompting Osama bin Laden to issue an unprecedented statement in October 2007, acknowledging "mistakes" that have been made and urging his followers, "I advise you myself, Muslims in general and brothers in Al Qaeda everywhere, to avoid extremism among men and groups."
• The Iraqi police and security forces continue to improve in both numbers and capability and are increasingly able to undertake unilateral operations. In response to the successes they have enjoyed, recruiting has increased better than 100 percent over 2006.
• The rate of all attacks against Iraqi civilians and coalition forces dropped by nearly 70 percent in the last four months of 2007.
• In December 2007, for the first time since 2004, the number of Iraqi civilians returning to their homes was higher than the number of people seeking refugee status internally or in neighboring countries. In short, the Iraqi people who fled the violence are coming home.
"The enemies of Iraq will shrink at no act, however barbaric. They will do all that they can to shake the confidence of the people and to convince the world that this effort is doomed.
"Together with our Iraqi partners, we must defeat those who oppose the new Iraq. We cannot allow mass murderers to hold the initiative. We must strike them relentlessly. We . . . must set the terms of the struggle, not our enemies. And together we must prevail."
— LTG David Petraeus, U.S. Army, in a letter to his troops on 11 February 2007, the day he assumed command in Iraq
HOW IRAQ HAS CHANGED
December 2007—In Iraq for a ninth time with editor Chuck Holton
When, in December of 2007, our FOX News War Stories team returned to Iraq on our ninth trip, none of us were prepared for the dramatic changes taking place in the country. Thanks to the U.S. Army 3rd ID and U.S. Special Operations Command, we were able to assess what was happening in Baghdad, then east along the Iranian frontier, south to Hillah, in Babil province, west to Al Anbar, and north to Diyala province.
Without exception, everywhere we went there was ample evidence of Iraqis taking charge of their own destiny. Though no U.S. or Iraqi commander was willing to claim victory, one senior U.S. commander said to me, after being assured of nonattribution, "There is more fighting and dying to be done, but this battle is won."
What follows are a few excerpts from the reports we filed.
7 DECEMBER 2007 — ISKANDARIYAH, IRAQ
Many of the 3rd ID troops here are on their third year-long tour of duty in Iraq. These soldiers were part of the initial attack north from Kuwait in March 2003; they were here when Al Qaeda tried to stop the elections in 2005; and they have been here again since May 2007. What they have experienced along the way gives them a perspective that is much at odds from what we most often see expressed in our mainstream media and by America's most prominent politicians.
"If I thought we were losing, I wouldn't be here," said SSG Nicholas Ingleston of Williamstown, N.Y. He's an M1 tank gunner on his third tour of duty in Iraq. When I asked him why he had decided to re-enlist in the U.S. Army knowing that would mean coming back to Iraq a third time, this father of three replied, "I'm part of a team, and we came here to do a job and we're doing it."
Professional political pessimists and their apprentices in the press long ago declared this fight "lost" and U.S. efforts here a "failure." But if they cared to look, they would find, as Mark Twain once said of Wagner's music: "It's not as bad as it sounds."
When COL Terry Ferrell, the commanding officer of the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 3rd ID, arrived here in June, this area was an Al Qaeda stronghold. Today, all that has changed.
We confirmed that "the awakening" in the Sunni population and the "concerned local citizens" program in Babil province have indeed, as Ferrell puts it, "lifted the blanket of fear on these communities." He told us, "We have crippled the Al Qaeda in this area and contributed to a dramatic turnaround in security for Baghdad." From all we see, he's spot on.
Interestingly, these kinds of stories are commonplace in most of Iraq. Unfortunately, these aren't the kinds of facts that make good copy for America's media elites. Reductions in enemy attacks; fewer U.S., coalition, and civilian casualties; and improvements in Iraqi military and security forces have driven news from Iraq out of the front pages of our papers and off broadcast news.
Publicly, U.S. commanders describe the situation as "cautiously optimistic" and say "the momentum is in the right direction." Privately, they say, "We are putting them [Al Qaeda and the Shiite militias] on the ropes."
Though disappointed by the lack of "good news" being reported in the U.S. media, the troops' sense of humor is undiminished. When Secretary Gates was in Baghdad in December, he announced that lack of congressional funding could result in "pink slips for up to 200,000 Defense Department employees." Hearing the story, one young soldier heading out on patrol commented, "Somebody call me if I get laid off."
CPT Nazzir said he waited to join the Iraqi Army until it was clear "who was going to win" the war against radical Islamic terror
10 DECEMBER 2007 — MADERIYA, IRAQ
We walked through this agricultural community east of Bagdad, not far from the Iranian border, with COL Terry Ferrell, commanding officer of the 2nd Brigade, 3rd ID. He introduced me to CPT Fawaz Nazzir, of the Iraqi Army. I asked why he joined the new Iraqi Army eleven months ago. His reply was a testament to American resolve in prosecuting this campaign: "I waited," replied CPT Nazzir, "to see which side was going to win."
To some Americans that may sound like a cynical response but not to those who have spent years campaigning in Mesopotamia. "What would you expect given how uncertain our commitment was at home?" commented one U.S. officer on his third tour of duty here. He continued: "Until 'the surge,' nobody in Iraq knew whether we were going to finish this fight. AQI [Al Qaeda in Iraq] and the Shiite militias were all telling their followers that we were going to cut and run. 'The surge' proved that we weren't going to abandon them."
Not only did we not abandon them; we upped the ante, increasing the number of U.S. combat units in the country and significantly expanding training and support for Iraq's fledgling security forces. Much of the enhanced instruction, arming, and "know how" has come via U.S. Special Operations Command—soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines uniquely prepared and equipped to carry out unconventional operations. The result has been a dramatic reduction in terror attacks against Iraqi civilians and Coalition personnel. While the mainstream media and U.S. politicians were harping about the "lack of political progress in Baghdad," the Iraqi Army, police, and Special Operations Forces were being rebuilt from the ground up.
That's not to say that Iraq is no longer dangerous. It can still be lethal, particularly for Iraqis.
14 DECEMBER 2007 — HILLAH, IRAQ, BABIL PROVINCE
Just hours before we arrived here, an IED killed Lt. Gen. Qais Hamza al-Mamouri, the Babil province Chief of Police and the architect of the Reconciliation Movement in southeastern Iraq.
With Brig. Gen. Abbas, commander of the Police SWAT Force, and an officer of the U.S. Special Operations Command in Hillah, Iraq
For more than two hours, Gen. Ab
bas and I walked through the crowded streets of Hillah where Iranian-supported Shiite militia gangs once held sway over 500,000 Iraqis. Wading through throngs of citizens, Gen. Abbas promised them that, "We will continue to give every Iraqi equal protection from all criminals."
A vigorous opponent of Iranian influence in Iraq, Qais was also the author of an agreement among tribal and community leaders pledging to "provide security for all citizens without regard to sect, ethnicity, or political party affiliation." Though Babil province is predominantly Shiite, Qais had insisted that his police enforce the law impartially "for all Sunnis, Shiites, Kurds, and Christians."
Less than twenty-four hours after Gen. Qais was killed, a U.S. Special Operations officer took our FOX News team to the headquarters of the Hillah SWAT Police to meet with their commander, Brig. Gen. Mohammad Abbas al-Jubori, a Qais protégé.
According to our escort, "General Abbas has built Hillah SWAT into one of the finest police departments in the country. He's committed to a free and independent Iraq— where every man and woman is treated equally—despite Iraq's neighbors being less than enthusiastic about a democracy next door."
17 DECEMBER 2007 — RAMADI, IRAQ
Yesterday we were in Fallujah, the former Al Qaeda stronghold where Iraqi police in blue uniforms watched as we stood on a residential street, rebuilt from the rubble of vicious urban combat in 2004. Today we're in Ramadi.
When our FOX News team was here exactly a year ago, Sheikh Sattar—the chief instigator of the Sunni "Awakening"—was still alive, and the citizens of Al Anbar province were just beginning to cooperate with coalition forces. Last December, the city of Ramadi had a well-deserved reputation as the most violent place on the planet. The streets were full of IEDs, and there were daily attacks against U.S. soldiers and Marines by snipers, mortars, rockets, and roadside bombs. At home, the "experts" had decided that Iraq was descending into an abyss of sectarian conflict.
This year, U.S. Navy SEALs took us to dine with Sheikh Mohammad al Heiss, the new leader of the Sunni reconciliation movement. On a street where terrorists tried to kill us last year, we walked without flak jackets or helmets—something that would have been unthinkable only a few months ago.
Accompanied by the SEALs, we strolled down "Route Michigan," past the mosque where we had documented bloody battles and into the souk (an Iraqi version of a mall), so that I could buy Christmas presents for my wife and grandchildren. The only bad part of the trip this year was our interpreter telling me afterward that I got "robbed" on the scarves and hats for my grandchildren. But I know I got a good deal on the bracelet for Betsy.
One of many gunfights along "Route Michigan" in Ramadi, Iraq. The convoy we rode in had just been ambushed by Al Qaeda Mujahadeen, across the road from the Blue Mosque; the smoke is from a burning Humvee
20 DECEMBER, 2007 — BAQOUBA, IRAQ
It is nearly Christmas, and most of the young Americans we are with are going to miss the holiday with their families. For many, it is their third Nativity season away from home since Operation Iraqi Freedom began in 2003.
A year ago, the masters of the mainstream media were contending that the campaign in Iraq was "lost." The Associated Press, in a piece headlined "Many U.S. Troops in Iraq Oppose Escalation," baldly stated we were "embroiled in civil warfare between majority Shiite Muslims and Sunni Arabs that no number of American troops can stop." America's newspapers and television screens were full of stories about U.S. and Iraqi casualties, and liberal partisans were demanding that President Bush "bring the troops home—now!"
Then in February, the first U.S. "surge" troops arrived in Iraq. Within weeks, U.S. casualties spiked, and the potentates of the press proclaimed that the additional troops were "too little, too late." Radical Islamic Web sites agreed and predicted the toll of dead and wounded would force the Americans to abandon Iraq just as they quit Vietnam, Beirut, and Somalia. Osama bin Laden declared that the "American infidels" were being "driven from Mesopotamia."
They were all wrong. So was I. In January 2006, after nearly a month embedded with U.S. troops in Anbar province, I had written—and said on FOX News—that "dispatching more combat troops to Iraq isn't the answer. Adding more trainers and helping the Iraqis to help themselves, is." GEN Petraeus did both, and it was exactly the right move. The "surge" in combat power and trainers changed everything.
Since the beginning of December 2007, we have traversed the length and breadth of Iraq, interviewing hundreds of Americans and Iraqis, both civilian and military. In our travels, we have documented stunning progress in bringing security and civil law and order to this country. This week, Basra province reverted to full Iraqi control as British troops completed their withdrawal from Iraq's southernmost prefecture. Last night we accompanied a U.S.-trained-and-supported Iraqi special operations unit on a nighttime raid to apprehend a terror suspect, a feat that would have been impossible last year.
"The momentum is in the right direction," MG Rick Lynch, commanding general of Task Force Marne, told me—and his troops know it. As one young officer put it, "There is still fighting to be done, but the troops are volunteering to come back. They don't 're-up' for a losing battle."
From the ground up, this country is being transformed more rapidly than anyone believed possible, and America is gaining a new ally in the struggle against radical Islamic terror.
"Look, Mom, no Flak jacket" - preparing to do a "stand-up" at the Ramadi souk in December of 2007. In nine trips to Iraq, this was the first time I have been in the city without getting shot at
WHY DON'T WE HEAR MORE OF THIS KIND OF NEWS?
These young Americans believe in this stuggle enough to reenlist
When it comes to Iraq, good news is no news. By autumn of 2007, the trends and indicators from Iraq were so positive that the mainstream media took Iraq stories off the front pages and the evening news and went searching for other negative stories about the U.S. armed forces to feed the American people. In October and November there were stories about high numbers of suicides, desertions, and divorces among members of our military and how difficult it had become to attract new recruits. A 17 November 2007 Associated Press headline blared: "Soldiers strained by six years at war are deserting their posts at the highest rate since 1980."
In fact, the suicide rate for U.S. military personnel is lower than that of the same age group in the U.S. population. The divorce rate in the military is slightly lower than the overall population. The desertion rate for the Marines has actually declined since 9/11. And as for new recruits, every branch of the U.S. armed forces exceeded their recruiting goals in 2007. Marine combat units in Iraq and Afghanistan had more requests for reenlistment than they were authorized to accept.
The recruiting and retention story is particularly heartening because many young people are discouraged from serving in uniform by family members, friends, and high-school guidance counselors. This is something that would have been considered shameful at one time in our country.
SGT Steven C. Ganczewski, a Ranger in editor Chuck Holton's unit, had been asked by a high-school guidance counselor why a young man with his "potential" would join the Army.
"Someone with his potential"—as if selfless service, even to the point of giving one's life for a cause greater than any one of us—is somehow beneath one's "potential." Thankfully, Patrick Henry and George Washington didn't feel that way in 1775.
The story made me wonder if those who discourage others from serving because it's beneath their "potential" would say the same thing to the man who said, "Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends" (John 14:13 KJV). That man, Jesus Christ, went on to do just that.
But SGT Steven C. Ganczewski understood that there are more important things in life than safety and a scholarship, despite what the guidance counselor had to say.
The media also made a great deal over the unwillingness of membe
rs of the State Department to accept assignments in Iraq. This confirms what I have been saying for years—that only those who wear our nation's military uniforms have the courage to really fight Islamic terror. In fact, in the battle for the people of Iraq, our men and women in uniform are America's best ambassadors. They work tirelessly to build a better future for the people of Iraq and Afghanistan. Marine SSgt Darin Patterson of the Fifth Civil Affairs Group put it this way: "It's always a step forward, whether it's just one inch or two inches; it has to start somewhere." This approach is being taken all over Iraq, and it is changing everything.
Just before Americans celebrated Thanksgiving in 2007, Muslim sheiks, imams, and civilians went to St John's Catholic Church in Baghdad to encourage their Christian neighbors to return home. In 2004, Al Qaeda of Iraq bombed the church, a prominent landmark in the capital's southern neighborhood. Their goal was to eliminate all of Iraq's Christian communities. Nearly all the Christians from the neighborhood around St. John's fled, becoming refugees. Many left the country.
As southern Baghdad was secured in the summer of 2007, the church was rehabilitated by U.S. Army engineers. More than a dozen Muslim dignitaries attended the first mass in the restored church as a way to encourage their Christian neighbors to come home.