American Heroes

by Oliver North

  Is Iraq still a dangerous place? No doubt. Though there are fewer of them, IEDs and suicide bombers—most of them from Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iran, Yemen, Chechnya, and Lebanon—still kill and maim. One suicide bomber on a bicycle attacked a police recruit formation. A few days earlier, eight Shia and Sunni sheiks were kidnapped after a reconciliation meeting in Baghdad. But the Iraqis didn't call for U.S. help in either incident. They could have done so, but they didn't have to.

  Iraqi fire, police, and medical personnel were the "first responders" in the suicide bombing. Two days after the kidnappings, an Iraqi Special Operations Force [ISOF]—trained by U.S. Special Operations personnel like those with whom we were embedded—launched a hostage recovery unit to rescue seven of the eight kidnap victims alive. No U.S. military personnel were involved.

  The "surge" has been about much more than thirty thousand additional U.S. troops in Iraq. The real "surge" is in the transformation of the Iraqi military and security forces. As they get bigger and better, more Iraqi civilians move away from supporting Al Qaeda and other criminal and extremist elements. In short, there is a momentum to success, and success breeds more success.

  HOW THEY DID IT

  The Troops

  First and most important, the young Americans dispatched to fight the war against radical Islamic terror have never wavered in their courage and commitment. Their bravery and tenacity have been tested by brutal adversaries in some of the most difficult and dangerous conditions U.S. troops have ever faced. Despite media and political opposition to Operation Iraqi Freedom, even before it started, and partisan opposition that worsened over the next five years, the young soldiers, sailors, airmen, Guardsmen, and Marines fighting the battles never quit. Persistence pays. Tenacity makes a difference.

  Without the valor and self-sacrifice of the brightest, best-educated, best-trained, best-equipped, and best-led military in the world, and the sacrifices their families have made at home, victories in the war against radical Islam would be impossible. When the media and political opponents of the war were insisting on a pullout from Iraq, tens of thousands of those who had already "been there, done that" volunteered to go back again. Those who served in this crucible really are American heroes.

  A Marine in front of a mine clearing vehicle with his military working dog, "Dollar"

  Leadership

  President Bush has never wavered in his support for the troops that he sent off to fight this war. Though he was admonished to "cut our losses" and "get out now," though his party lost control of the Congress in 2006, he was steadfast in his resolve not to have this war end like Vietnam. And his field commanders were cut from the same tempered steel.

  Men like GEN David Petraeus, generals James Mattis, James Conway, and Ray Odierno were pilloried in the press, but they prevailed anyway. They motivated young soldiers and Marines to weather the IEDs, suicide bombers, and mind-numbing fatigue to press on despite criticism on the home front. These leaders ignored the bashing they got for being too aggressive and kept the pressure on the enemy. Leaders do make a difference.

  Adaptability

  The American military proved to be much more flexible than our adversaries on the battlefield or critics at home believed possible. Neither Al Qaeda of Iraq nor the Shiite militias nor their foreign supporters were able to change their weapons or tactics as fast as U.S. troops could adapt to new situations and developments on the ground. The campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan have proven that the ability of young Americans to bring new ideas to the battlefield—not just in weapons and equipment, but in new "thinking"—is unrivaled.

  The military's new line of mine resistant ambush protected (MRAP) vehicles has dramatically reduced the number of casualties from roadside bombs in Iraq

  Tens of thousands of changes have been made in U.S. military weapons, equipment, organization, and tactics since the unprovoked attack on 9/11. The adaptability of commanders and units on the ground permitted us to capitalize on the brutal fanaticism of Al Qaeda and seize the opportunity presented by the "Awakening" in Al Anbar, and then spread the concept throughout the country.

  As we saw firsthand in December 2007, the integration of Special Operations capabilities with those of conventional military units created a synergy that was devastating to the terrorists who were trying to maintain their hold on the Iraqi population. That same model is now being taught to the Iraqis.

  The resilience of the Iraqi people also deserves recognition in accounting for a successful outcome in Mesopotamia. In three elections during 2005, the Iraqi people braved horrific threats of violence in order to cast ballots in overwhelming numbers. Those votes really have made a difference. Though political change in Baghdad has been slower than anyone wanted, the fact that women were empowered to run for office and vote has changed the entire dynamic in Iraq.

  Ridding neighborhoods of thugs and murderers so children can go to school; reconnecting homes and businesses to electricity, water, and sewage; and providing jobs for millions of unemployed men—all these things are now feasible. Though it may take longer than anyone prefers, the country now has a future.

  General David Petraeus greeting an Iraqi street vendor

  GEN Petraeus is fond of telling visiting reporters that we're "not yet successful, but we're succeeding" and that "the momentum is going the right way." U.S. troop reductions are already occurring, and more are to come. By July of 2008, all thirty thousand U.S. personnel sent to Iraq during "the surge" are slated to be home. But what U.S. media elites have failed to note is that the real surge—Iraqis serving their country—will continue to change their country for the better.

  Over the course of 2007, the Iraqi army grew nearly 110 percent to twelve divisions, forty-one brigades, 123 battalions, and four ISOF battalions. Nearly all of them have gained invaluable combat proficiency from their U.S. advisors and in engagements with the enemy. By the summer of 2008 the Iraqis will have trained and fielded another eight brigades for a total of 154 battalions, including six ISOF battalions. And an additional thirty thousand Iraqi police officers will be on the streets.

  It's easy to get lost in the numbers. Here's the bottom line: By the time U.S. troops sent to Iraq for the "surge" come home, the Iraqis will have fielded a near 100 percent increase in police and security forces since January of 2007. The improvements are both quantita-tive and qualitative. By the time the five U.S. "surge brigades" return home, the Iraqi Army will have fielded ten new brigades of their own, and the Iraqis aren't going to rotate home—they are there to stay.

  CAN IT ALL STILL GO WRONG?

  There is no doubt that the momentum is, as GEN Petraeus puts it, "in the right direction." But things could still go wrong.

  The first and most likely place for all the progress to come off track isn't in Baghdad; it's in Washington. Congressional demands for a "pull out now" in the heat of an election year, backed up by a cut-off in funding, could precipitate a disaster.

  Iraq's neighbors are less than enthusiastic about a democracy next door. We have seen the sophisticated IEDs and rockets that Iran builds and sends into Iraq to kill and maim. Though Iraqi oil production now exceeds pre-2003 levels, the democratically elected government in Baghdad isn't doing enough to rebuild the country's crumbling infrastructure. A collapse of American resolve would likely encourage Iran, Saudi Wahhabis, and Syria to increase support for a resurgence in Al Qaeda and the Shiite militias. It is, in the words of one U.S. officer in Iraq, his idea for a "worst-case scenario."

  The theocracy in Tehran could acquire nuclear weapons and give the U.S. an ultimatum, or worse yet, actually use one against U.S. forces in Iraq or in the Persian Gulf. That would of course be a prelude for a devastating U.S. military strike against the Iranian leadership and weapons-of-mass-destruction facilities. But it would change all of the hoped-for outcomes in the war against radical Islam.

  Finally, all of the U.S. military officers
I spoke with on my ninth trip to Iraq expressed concern that the government in Baghdad might not be up to the task of bringing about a functioning democratic government. While pointing to successes at the local level and in the provinces, they expressed frustration with the pace of sectarian reconciliation in dialog in the capital. Though few thought it likely, some said that they were concerned that "if the politicians don't get their act together, the army could take over." One general officer told me, "I don't even want to think about that happening," though clearly he had.

  WHERE WE COULD DO BETTER

  Musab al-Zarqawi

  We Need to Tell the Truth about Who "They" Are

  There are two great inconsistencies about the radical Islamists who purport to lead the Jihad against us that need to be constantly emphasized for those we are attempting to help.

  First, the Jihadist masterminds like bin Laden, Zarqawi, and al Sadr aren't eager to find martyrdom. To the extent they can, they remain on the run and in hiding, relegating the glory of exploding bodies to their followers and their followers' children. We should constantly remind their followers that their leaders are cowards.

  Second, the terrorists we face in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Philippines are able to construct car bombs and use cell phones as detonators. They know how to use AK-47s and RPGs, and they know how to use video cameras to record their atrocities. But none of them are capable of building a car, a cell phone, or even a relatively simple automatic rifle. They can blow up a generating station, but they can't make a light bulb. We should regularly remind those who can read or listen that "Jihadists" seeking to "drive out the infidels" are destroyers, not builders.

  We Need to Tell the Truth about What We Stand For

  Islamic radicals like bin Laden, theo-fascists like those in Tehran, and dictatorial regimes like the one that previously occupied Baghdad count on an illiterate and impoverished citizenry. They know people with this mind-set can be incited to frenzy or suicidal terror by defaming Jews or Americans. The only cure for this misery-driven fury is education. Too many children in Muslim countries are indoctrinated on how to hate and kill and how to kill themselves. Teaching reading, math, science, and life skills commensurate with God-given abilities is a far less costly way of fighting the Jihad than the blood of American troops. Giving young Muslim children something to live for instead of reasons to die by killing an "infidel" may be the best long-term investment we can make in our own future.

  We Need to Tell the Truth about the Best Antidote for Radical Islamic Terror

  The number-one target of radical Islam is Muslim women. In Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, Al Qaeda strongholds in Iraq, and other countries and regions ruled by radical Islamists, boys become men at age fifteen. But girls are considered women at age nine. They can be tried as adults in a criminal court, are liable for the death penalty, and can be stoned to death for adultery. Though the legal age of marriage for a girl is thirteen, a father can make a daughter marry earlier and order her to endure female genital mutilation.

  Radical Islamic courts consider a woman's testimony to be worth half that of a man. Mothers may not act as financial guardians or make decisions about their children's residence, foreign travel, or medical care. Women must have permission from a father, husband, or male relative to travel.

  Men have uncontested rights to divorce their wives, and they may practice polygamy. Women are not allowed to vote or participate in political debate. They receive half the inheritance of men. If a man dies childless, his entire estate goes to his parents or siblings, not his wife.

  Specific evidence of radical Islamic violence perpetrated against tens of thousands of Muslim girls and women in the name of "Islamic purity" has been catalogued by the United Nations, the European Union, and numerous human rights organizations. In Iraq and Afghanistan, U.S. military commanders have filed innumerable reports of atrocities perpetrated against women and girls by organizations like Al Qaeda in Iraq and the Mahdi Army.

  Nearly all of these events have been ignored by the mainstream media. Little has been said about the innumerable ways that U.S. soldiers, sailors, airmen, Guardsmen, and Marines have become the principal protectors of Muslim women.

  Thanks to young Americans wearing flak jackets and helmets, hundreds of schools have been built for Muslim girls, scores of female health care clinics have been opened, and hundreds of thousands of women now work, have their own bank accounts, and use cell-phones. Millions of women have the right to vote and serve in elected office.

  Just before the December 2005 election in Iraq, Mamoun Rashid, governor of Al Anbar province, told me, "Women don't vote to have their sons become suicide bombers." He's right. That's why the best antidote for radical Islamic terror is a woman's purple finger, signifying her right to vote.

  We Need to Tell the Truth about Who We Are

  Americans ought not be ashamed of who we are. We have brought freedom and opportunity to hundreds of millions around the globe. We send young countrymen around the world not for gold or oil or colonial conquest but to offer others the hope of the same freedoms we enjoy. Neither individual liberty nor Christianity are threats to Islam. These are threats only to the power of the radical Islamists. Informing people in predominantly Muslim countries about concepts like private property, personal choice, respect for the sanctity of life, and the freedom to make decisions in a system governed by rule of law isn't extreme pride; it's essential to their understanding of who we are.

  As we prepared to head back to Iraq for our ninth trip in four years, President Bush awarded the Medal of Honor to Michael Murphy for "conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity, at the risk of his life, above and beyond the call of duty." But because Murphy had been killed in action, his parents had to receive the medal awarded to their son.

  LT Michael Murphy, a U.S. Navy SEAL, didn't die in Konar province, Afghanistan, fighting to expand American influence over others. He was fighting to give others the hope of freedom because he believed this would help give his countrymen a safer future. He was right. We ought to remind enemies and allies alike that we have a whole nation full of people such as Mike Murphy—men and women who will gladly volunteer to put themselves at risk for the love of liberty.

  These are American Heroes.

  The President of the United States, in the name of the Congress, takes pride in presenting the Medal of Honor to Lieutenant Michael Murphy for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty as the leader of a special reconnaissance element with Naval Special Warfare Task Unit Afghanistan on 27 and 28 June 2005. While leading a mission to locate a high-level, anticoalition militia leader, LT Murphy demonstrated extraordinary heroism in the face of grave danger in the vicinity of Asadabad, Konar Province, Afghanistan. On 28 June 2005, operating in an extremely rugged enemy-controlled area, LT Murphy's team was discovered by anticoalition militia sympathizers, who revealed their position to Taliban fighters. As a result, between thirty and forty enemy fighters besieged his four-member team. Demonstrating exceptional resolve, LT Murphy valiantly led his men in engaging the large enemy force. The ensuing fierce firefight resulted in numerous enemy casualties, as well as the wounding of all four members of the team. Ignoring his own wounds and demonstrating exceptional composure, LT Murphy continued to lead and encourage his men. When the primary communicator fell mortally wounded, LT Murphy repeatedly attempted to call for assistance for his beleaguered teammates. Realizing the impossibility of communicating in the extreme terrain, and in the face of almost certain death, he fought his way into open terrain to gain a better position to transmit a call. This deliberate, heroic act deprived him of cover, exposing him to direct enemy fire. Finally achieving contact with his headquarters, LT Murphy maintained his exposed position while he provided his location and requested immediate support for his team. In his final act of bravery, he continued to engage the enemy until he was mortally wound
ed, gallantly giving his life for his country and for the cause of freedom. By his selfless leadership, courageous actions, and extraordinary devotion to duty, LT Murphy reflected great credit upon himself and upheld the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

  17

  DISPATCHES FROM A FORGOTTEN WAR

  To Americans of my generation and older, the Korean War is the "Forgotten War." For this generation, it's Afghanistan—or to be precise, Operation Enduring Freedom.

  This long campaign against al-Qaeda and the Taliban in the shadow of the Hindu Kush didn't start as a "forgotten war." On Oct. 7, 2001, less than a month after the 9/11 attacks, Operation Enduring Freedom began with a salvo of Tomahawk cruise missiles and raids by B-1s, B-2s, B-52s, and waves of carrier-based aircraft. For the next month, the entire world was riveted as Afghan Northern Alliance troops—bolstered by U.S. special operations forces and CIA teams—swept south toward Kabul.

  The liberation of the capital in November 2001 was an international press event. When the 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit landed at Forward Operating Base Rhino on Nov. 25 to cut Taliban/al-Qaeda escape routes into Pakistan, reporters clamored to cover the operation. For the next sixteen months, most of the so-called mainstream media provided at least some regular coverage of the hunt for Osama bin Laden.