Henry Knox

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Henry Knox Page 24

by Mark Puls


  Knox was closer to the Virginian Washington and Rhode Island's Nathanael Greene than he was to any of the political leaders from Massachusetts. Henry explained his perspective within the army in a letter to Gouverneur Morris, written the same day that he had written McDougal with his frustrations: "The army generally have always reprobated the idea of being thirteen armies. Their ardent desires have been to be one continental body looking up to one sovereign. . . . It is a favorite toast in the army, 'A hoop to the barrel' or 'Cement to the Union.'"

  Knox believed that Congress needed to be empowered with the authority to levy taxes to raise general funds for the army. The absence of taxing authority in the national government had plagued the army during the war.

  In his letter to Morris, Knox then made a remarkably prescient recommendation: "As the present Constitution is so defective, why do not you great men call the people together and tell them so; that is, to have a convention of the States to form a better Constitution?“37

  He made this recommendation four years before the U.S. Constitutional Convention would be held in Philadelphia. And Gouverneur Morris, to whom he made this suggestion, would one day draft much of the language for the U.S. Constitution.

  Knox observed that the slight regard with which the states viewed Congress was a telltale sign of the poor design of the Articles of Confederation and was manifestly demonstrated by the delegates' poor attendance. To McDougal, he wrote on Monday, March 3: "It is enough to sicken one to observe how light a matter many states make of their not being represented in Congress—a good proof of the badness of the present constitution.“38

  In Philadelphia, wild rumors of unrest within the army continued to circulate, including the claim that soldiers had vowed not to disband and return to civilian life until all their claims had been settled. Delegates began to fear that the army might seize control of the government and launch a counterrevolution. Both the army and the Congress seemed suspicious of the other. In a letter written to Washington on Thursday, February 27, Virginia congressman Joseph Jones openly wondered if the country was bordering on a civil war: "When once all confidence between the civil and military authority is lost, by intemperate conduct or an assumption of improper power, especially by the military body, the Rubicon is passed and to retreat will be very difficult.“39

  While Knox vociferously stated the soldiers' case for compensation, he was careful not to inflame an already volatile situation. Knox's letters to friends in Philadelphia painted a more moderate view of the army's discontent, as James Madison noted in a letter to Edmund Randolph on Tuesday, March 4, 1783: "A letter from General Knox is in town which I understand places the temper and affairs of the army in a less alarming view than some preceding accounts.“40

  At Washington's main camp at Newburgh, New York, about ten miles from West Point, agitators played on the anger of the men and stoked feelings of resentment toward Congress. On Monday, March 10, an artfully written anonymous letter was circulated among the officers. Referred to as the Newburgh Address, it sharply criticized Congress for failing to live up to its promises and recommended that Congress's authority be disregarded and that the soldiers take the law into their own hands if not given what had been promised. The letter also advised soldiers to refuse to fight any longer for the country but to leave the populace defenseless and open to foreign attack, telling the men to "retire to some yet unsettled country, smile in your turn and mock when their fear cometh on.“41 The address called for the soldiers to gather for a meeting the next day to take up their cause.

  It was not commonly known at the time, but the address was written by Major John Anderson, an aide of Horatio Gates.

  Washington and Knox moved quickly to, at the very least, redirect the movement. They believed that General Gates had been behind the rumors buffeting Philadelphia as well as the Newburg Address. Washington issued general orders on Tuesday expressing his disapproval of the irregular meeting proposed in the address, yet acknowledging that the men had reason for complaint. He recommended that the soldiers instead wait four days, until a Saturday meeting, to decide a course of action and allow passions to subside. Washington tied Gates's hands by appointing him to chair the meeting. The commander in chief also realized that the trust and respect that the men had for Knox could help defuse the situation. In preparing for the meeting, Knox wrote up a series of moderate resolutions that he hoped would preserve the honor of the army, and he sent off letters to influential leaders pleading for help.

  He wrote a letter the following day to McDougal in Philadelphia, imploring delegates to act: "Endeavor, my dear friend, once more to convince the obdurate of the awful evils which may arise from postponing a decision on the subjects of our address."

  He prayed that the situation would not end in the disgrace of the army and believed that those who played on the injured pride and desperation of the soldiers acted criminally: "I sincerely hope we shall not be influenced to actions which may be contrary to our uniform course of services for eight years. The men who, by their illiberality and injustice drive the army to the very brink of destruction, ought to be punished with severity.“42

  That same day, he wrote Secretary at War Lincoln in Philadelphia explaining that a Saturday meeting had been called by Washington in response to the Newburgh Address: "What will be the result, God only knows. Congress ought not to lose a moment in bringing the affairs of the army to a decision. Push the matter instantly, my dear sir, with all your might and main.“43

  On Saturday, March 15, Knox and hundreds of soldiers gathered at noon at a newly built, 40-foot by 70-foot building at Newburgh. The room was silent as all eyes rested on Washington. A second letter had been circulated around the camp that warned: "Suspect the man who should advise to more moderation and longer forbearance.“44

  Washington, however, rose and walked slowly to the pulpit, as if the first signs of age and infirmity were beginning to creep into his unusually hardy constitution. He pulled a piece of paper from his coat and unfolded it in an unhurried manner as if for dramatic effect. He squinted slightly as he strained to read his own writing. Apologizing, he reached into his waistcoat and pulled out spectacles that had been given to him by the astronomer David Rittenhouse. None of the men had ever seen him wear eyeglasses before. In a hushed, barely audible tone, he said, "Gentlemen, you will permit me to put on my spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, but almost blind, in the service of my country.“45

  Many of the most battle-hardened veterans were visibly moved. Washington reminded the men that he had shared their every hardship since the beginning of the war, that he had never left them even during the most difficult times. He observed that the anonymous writer of the incendiary documents could not be a friend to the country but rather was an insidious foe; quite possibly he had even been sent by the British or loyalists in New York to destroy the harmony between the army and the American government in an effort to prove that republic government could not survive. Washington told his men: "The secret mover of this scheme (whoever he may be) intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberative thinking."

  Knox was deeply touched by Washington's words. He thought the performance "masterful" and that the moment displayed not only Washington's gift as a natural leader but an index of the noble tenor of his heart.

  Knox was fully aware that history contained only a few examples of military leaders who declined to take control of the country's government when given the opportunity and blessed with an army behind them that was willing to follow. At that moment, Washington demonstrated his commitment to republican government and that his service during the war had not been born of blind personal ambition. Rather than seizing the opportunity at Newburgh, Washington chose to reaffirm his subordination to Congress and remind the army of its obligation to subvert its will to civil authority.

  At the conclusion of Washington's words, Knox moved his series of resol
utions thanking Washington for his patriotism and a statement of the men's unwavering attachment to the commander in chief as well as their "unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress." A resolution was also offered to make an unequivocal statement that "the officers of the American army view with abhorrence and reject with disdain the infamous proposals contained in a late anonymous address to them."

  Horatio Gates realized that as chair of the meeting, he had little choice but to put the resolutions up for a vote. They passed unanimously.

  Knox was overjoyed. In his eyes, the soldiers had acted with a sense of honor and patriotism that deserved the esteem of their countrymen. To Benjamin Lincoln, he wrote on Sunday describing the meeting: "The occasion, though intended for the opposite purposes, has been one of the happiest circumstances of the war, and will set the military character of America in a high point of view. If the people have the most latent spark of gratitude, this generous proceeding of the army must call it forth.“46

  On Saturday, March 22, Alexander Hamilton brought the issue of the officers' pay before Congress. Delegates voted to grant the officers five years' pay plus 6 percent interest in lieu of half pay for life. When told about the congressional vote four days later, Washington wondered if the news was too good to be true, but sent Knox a note overflowing with gratitude for his role in supporting the issue: "My dear Knox: Such as I have, I give unto thee. God grant the news may be true. But whether it is, or not, the late conduct of the Army will redound to the immortal honor of it.“47

  NINE

  CONFEDERATION SECRETARY

  Congress declared an end to hostilities with Great Britain on April 11, 1783, bringing the American Revolution to a close after eight arduous years of fighting. Even before the soldiers laid down their muskets, Henry Knox was already envisioning the future of the U.S. Army in a peacetime America. In the coming months, thousands of troops would return home, and many political leaders wanted to dismantle the army completely, believing that a strong but idle military posed a threat to republican government and democracy.

  After watching the Continental army struggle to train officers and soldiers during the Revolution, Knox felt that it would be foolish to tear apart the force and all that the soldiers had built only to resurrect it when inevitable war clouds threatened. Just six days after Congress declared peace, he submitted a detailed blueprint for a standing peacetime army, including the recommendation for a United States Military Academy at West Point.

  Calling the West Point fort "the key to America," Knox wrote to George Washington on Thursday, April 17, stressing that the post was vital to keep open even during peace. To save money, he recommended the dual purpose of locating a forty-student military school on the grounds and devising a curriculum that embraced "the whole theory of the art of war as practiced by the most enlightened nations.“1 He also laid out a complete plan to raise state militias that might be used as building blocks for a national army in time of war.

  Washington wholeheartedly supported Knox's plan and sent it with his endorsement to Congress. Although delegates did not immediately act on Knox's proposals, most of his recommendations were eventually enacted.

  Knox wanted to maintain the wartime relationships in the American and French armies. In April 1783, he drafted a plan for an organization he called "The Society of Cincinnati," named after a Roman soldier who gave up military power. The first meeting of the Society of Cincinnati was chaired by Alexander Hamilton and held at Fishkill, New York on the evening of Tuesday, May 13. Knox was elected secretary of the society, and Washington was named president in his absence.

  The society was opposed by many civilian leaders such as Thomas Jefferson, Elbridge Gerry, and John and Samuel Adams, who believed the group represented the beginnings of a noble class of soldiers.

  The pace of life in a peacetime army gave Knox more time to spend with his family. He was thankful that after missing the births of several children during the war, he was with his family on Wednesday, July 6, when Lucy gave birth again. She bore a son whom they christened Marcus Camillus, the same name as that of the infant who had died the previous year. Knox was thrilled to write to friends that both Lucy and the children were in a perfect state of health.

  Washington placed Knox in charge of the army in August while he visited Congress to pave the way for his return to Mount Vernon. In weighing his return to civilian life, Knox was apprehensive about his own prospects. Unlike Washington, he had no profitable estate to which to return. Henry could not imagine himself returning to the humble life of a store owner.

  Knox decided to attempt to create a position for himself in the government as "master general of ordnance." Writing to Washington on Wednesday, September 17, 1783, he stressed the need to maintain the country's military stores and offered himself as a candidate for the job: "Although my expectations and wishes are for private life, yet if any office similar to the above, should be formed upon the broad scale of national policy, I might if thought worthy, find it convenient to give it my zealous assistance.“2

  He also sought a more prestigious national office. Benjamin Lincoln, the secretary at war under the confederation government, wanted to resign and recommended Knox as his successor. Washington wrote Henry on Thursday, October 23, pledging to lobby Congress to secure his appointment.

  On Sunday, November 2, Knox commanded that Washington's farewell orders to the army be read to the troops at West Point. Upon hearing the orders, which discharged the men and allowed them to return home to their families, the soldiers shouted with joy and embraced. Knox was moved to pen a reply to Washington from the army that expressed the wish that "when you quit the stage of human life, you may receive from the unerring judge the rewards of valor exerted to save the oppressed, of patriotism and disinterested virtue.“3

  The following day, thousands of troops packed their bags and headed home. As the commander of the forts around New York City, Knox notified the British commander, General Guy Carleton, on Sunday, November 9 that the time had come for the British to leave America. Carleton responded that his troops would begin moving out from the outlying skirts around New York on Thursday, November 20.

  Knox took possession of the city on Tuesday, November 25, 1783, riding at the head of a long procession. He greeted residents, riding in a row of eight officers, in a triumphant parade into the city that had been occupied for seven years. Once again he saw his former headquarters at the foot of Broadway, and could remember that frantic morning when he and Lucy had spotted the British fleet from the window of their home. The officers were followed by a row of political leaders who waved to residents shouting in celebration. The speaker of the state assembly appeared, and then Washington and New York governor George Clinton arrived.

  Knox and Washington enjoyed a tranquil week of celebrations. The governor hosted a lavish dinner for the officers, and tavern owner Samuel Fraunces, an ardent patriot, hosted a victory banquet at his establishment at the corner of 54 Pearl Street and Broadway. The tavern had been a favorite meeting place for the New York Sons of Liberty before the British occupation.

  On Thursday, December 4, Washington called together Knox and fellow officers for a farewell meeting at noon at the elegant Long Room at Fraunces Tavern. Washington planned to leave New York that day and head to Annapolis, where Congress was temporarily sitting, and then to resign his commission. In an order issued to Henry that same day, Knox was named as Washington's successor as the commander of the American army: "Finding it essential to the public interest that you should superintend the posts and military affairs in this department until some further arrangement, or until the pleasure of Congress shall be known; I have therefore to request that you will remain in service.“4

  Knox was in an emotional mood as he considered his own relationship with Washington; with the exception of his wife, undoubtedly it was the most significant relationship of his life. Knox had shared all of Washington's military successes during the Revolution, from the liberation of Boston in 1776
to the victory at Yorktown five years later. For his part, Washington had warmly supported Knox and his career at every step, from the beginning of his career as a citizen volunteer to his entrance into the Continental army at the rank of colonel and through his rise to major general. But their relationship was not merely professional. Washington, who had no children of his own, had played a paternal role in Henry's life. Lucy had stayed at Mount Vernon during one of her pregnancies. Knox had developed a sincere admiration for Washington.

  After the officers waited for several moments in the Long Room, Washington finally appeared. He did not act like the austere commander that they were accustomed to seeing even during the most trying times. Washington was visibly emotional, willing to let loose the grip on his feelings within the circle of comrades. He filled his glass with wine, turned his attention to the downcast faces around him, and tenderly said: "With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable."

  Washington drank to the toast and then told the men, "I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand.“5

  Washington then turned and immediately grabbed Knox's hand. Choked with emotion, Washington appeared unable to utter a word. He wept openly as he wrapped his arms around Henry and embraced him, kissing him on the cheek.

  One by one, all of the officers made their way to Washington at the head of the room. They shook his hand and accepted his embrace, but no one spoke. A dignified silence pervaded the room, as if any words would be inadequate to convey the feelings between men who had experienced so much anguish and triumph together. Hardened veterans brushed back tears, and Knox fought to maintain his composure.

 

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