11. See earlier, Pericles, 16.4. In Aristophanes’ Clouds, the character Pheidippides closely resembles the young Xanthippus.
12. Ps.-Aristotle, Oeconomica, I.6.1344b32.
13. The ancient authors suggest three names, Aristides, Cimon, and Pericles, but there is no way of knowing for certain. See Pritchett 1971, 7–14 for the sources and commentary.
14. The Mediterranean Sea was “closed” to navigation during the winter, from November to February, because of the winds and storms that blew up and the fragility of military vessels; soldiers usually slept on land, rather than on their ships, at sea.
15. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 24–25.1.
16. Ibid., 24.2–3.
17. The earliest example even dates from before the creation of the alliance: in 506, the Athenians confiscated the land of the Chalcidian aristocrats and divided them into 4,000 klēroi that were assigned to citizens who, having become cleruchs, obtained part of the harvest without having to cultivate the land themselves.
18. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.5.
19. Tolmides had already taken some to the island, as Diodorus Siculus reports (11.88.3).
20. Moreno 2009, 213–214.
21. IG I3 46, 43–46 = ML 49, 39–42: “Let the colonists for Brea be taken from among the thetes and the zeugitae.” See Figueira 1991, 59–60.
22. See Moreno 2009, 213–214.
23. See Foxhall and Forbes 1982.
24. Moreno 2007, 32–33, has recently indicated Athens’s heavy dependence on grain by increasing (to 75 percent) the calculations of Garnsey 1989, 89–164 (50 percent). Whatever the figure accepted, one thing is certain: Athens depended largely on the outside world in order to feed its population.
25. These calculations are based on the figures provided by Demosthenes, Against Leptines (20), 31–33 (ca. 355 B.C.), who mentions a total of 800,000 medimnoi of cereals imported by Athens every year.
26. Pericles, 11.5. This may possibly be the expedition to which the inscription IG I3 1162 refers.
27. IG I3 61 = ML 65 = Fornara 128 = Brun 15.
28. However, we should not anticipate the law of Agyrrhius, dated 374/3, which stipulates that Athenian merchants do not have the right to unload wheat from the Pontus anywhere apart from Piraeus. Concern about supplies of wheat remained constant throughout the whole classical period, peaking in the 330s on account of the food shortages that affected the Aegean world at that time. See Oliver 2007.
29. Thucydides, 2.38.2.
30. These inscriptions, published by American scholars, are generally known as the Athenian Tribute Lists (ATL). According to calculations based on the ATL, whereas the number of allies is much higher than in 478, the total sum is much lower than the 460 talents mentioned by Thucydides, for it amounts only to about 400 talents. Instead of doubting the figure given by Thucydides, we should perhaps consider two alternative solutions: either the figure given by the historian also includes the value of the triremes and the pay for the troops—that is to say, the estimated value of the phoros in kind—or the figures given by the ATL refer only to the surplus of the tribute brought to Athens, with the expenses for military operations already deducted.
31. See earlier, chapter 4.
32. Thucydides, 2.13.3–5.
33. Of course, it might have been a way of safeguarding appearances where the accounts were concerned: even today, after all, in the state budget there are many “slippages” between different categories of expenses.
34. See later, chapter 8.
35. Kallet-Marx 1989, 252–266; Giovannini 1990 and Giovannini 1997; but see Samons 1993. It is true that the use of the aparkhē for the great works is attested by the Propylaea accounts.
36. Plutarch, Pericles, 12.5–7.
37. See Descat 1995, 978.
38. Austin and Vidal-Naquet 1977, 276–282, no. 73. See Feyel 2006, 322–325.
39. Wages were sometimes paid, not by the day, but for particular piecework. That was the case for the cutters of flutes for the columns or for the sculptors of the figurines for the outside frieze of the building, made from Eleusis marble. These tasks, which were far better paid, could be accomplished by citizens or by metics, but not by slaves, who were never employed for work that required such skills.
40. Glotz 1931, 178–184. See later, chapter 12.
41. Plutarch, Pericles, 11.4. See later, chapter 8.
42. Ulpian, Ad Demosthenem, Olynthian I. See Wilson 2000, 167 and 265–266. In the fourth century, the theorikōn coffer received all the surpluses from the revenues (prosodoi). The allocation from the theoric fund appears to have been two obols (Demosthenes, On the Crown (18), 28)—one to pay for a seat, the other to cover the spectator’s needs during the day.
43. See Stadter 1989, 116–117.
44. Gorgias, 515e.
45. Plutarch, Pericles, 9.3.
46. The courts judged public and private affairs on three hundred days of the year (Aristophanes, Wasps, 661–663). Remuneration was always paid not annually but daily, so this varied according to the judges who sat.
47. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.3; and Plutarch, Pericles, 9.2.
48. See Verilhac and Vial 1998; and Patterson 1981.
49. Pericles, 37.3–4. The date of the reform is deduced from a passage in Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 26.3: “three years after Lysicrates in the year of [the archonship of] Antidotus, owing to the large number of the citizens, an enactment was passed on the proposal of Pericles confining citizenship to persons of citizen birth on both sides [astoin].”
50. See later, chapter 8. But this agreement is paradoxical when one considers that autochthony was primarily a way of conceiving of birth in the community without the need of any woman’s womb: after 451, a woman became necessary to transmit a citizenship that she herself did not actively possess.
51. Furthermore, by means of this endogamous measure, the city discouraged matrimonial alliances that members of the elite contracted outside the Athenian world. It is worth noting that no marriage of this type is recorded between 508 and 451, as if Athenian matrimonial practices had anticipated this reform. See Wilgaux 2010.
52. See French 1994; and Patterson 1981.
53. See Thucydides, 2.13.6–7: in the first year of the Peloponnesian War, the expedition against Megara included, as well as 10,000 Athenian hoplites, 3,000 metics, to whom should be added 3,000 metics sent at the same time to Potidaea (II, 31, 2). See Rhodes 1988, 271–277.
54. See Isaac 2004, 116–124.
55. See Noiriel 2001.
CHAPTER6. PERICLES AND HIS CIRCLE: FAMILY AND FRIENDS
1. See Alcibiades, 1.1. See the convincing reconstruction by Brulé 2003, 115–116; and Schmitt Pantel 2007, 202–204.
2. Leduc 2003, 279.
3. See, for example, Plato, Alcibiades I, 121a; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1.1; and the remarks of Parker 1996, 323 (and n. 94).
4. See Cox 1989: Matrimonial alliances did not automatically lead to political support. On the contrary, it was within the family, often, that attacks on one another were the most ferocious, even leading to the dissemination of dreadful rumors about one’s relatives.
5. See earlier, chapter 5.
6. However, this name could be analyzed in a different manner. By choosing to name his younger son in this way, Pericles may also have been referring to the faction of coastal citizens (the “Paralians”) led by his great-grandfather, Megacles, one century earlier. The name “Paralus” therefore made it possible to play upon two registers: allegiance to the people and family fame. See Burn 1948, 60.
7. Hippocleides, one of the suitors of Agariste, the daughter of the tyrant of Sicyon, set to dancing on the table in the course of one banquet in which too much wine was flowing, thereby covering himself in ridicule in the eyes of the future bride’s father (Herodotus, 6.129–130). In the end, it was the Alcmaeonid Megacles, Pericles’ ancestor, who won the hand of Agariste.
8. In Iasos, “it was forbidden
to entertain more than ten men and ten women as wedding-guests” and the festivities were not allowed to last for more than two days: see Heraclides of Lembos, Excerpta Politiarum, fr. 66 Gigon (= Dilts 1971, 38–39). See also Plutarch, Solon, 20.4 (on the value of dowries). The fourth-century philosophers continued to reflect upon the need to regulate marriage celebrations: Plato, Laws, 6.775a–b; Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 9.2.1169b.
9. The number of women in a funeral procession was limited so as not to encourage excessive manifestations of grief: see Ps.-Demosthenes, Against Macartatus (43), 62; Cicero, De Legibus, 2.65.
10. This custom is reflected in, for example, Aeschylus’s Choephoroi (l. 8–9), when Orestes bitterly regrets not having been able to join the funeral procession of his father, Agamemnon.
11. See later, chapter 8.
12. See Loraux 1986, 180–202; and Loraux 1993b, 37–71 and 111–143.
13. Ober 1989, 259–266; and earlier, chapter 5.
14. Murray 1990. The association of oligarchic revolutions and the sumposion is well attested by the fourth-century Attic orators: see Ps.-Demosthenes, Against Stephanus 2 (46), 26; Hyperides, For Euxenippus (4), 7–8.
15. Connor, 1992.
16. See Aelian, Miscellany, 2.12.
17. That is true in particular in the case of Cleon, as W. R. Connor remarks in passing (Connor 1992, 104, n. 26). Yet, like Pericles, Cleon had made a show of cutting himself off from his former circle of friends when he entered political life. He hoped, by this means, to show that his sole concern was the well-being of the dēmos (Connor 1992, 129–131) and that he was following the example set by Pericles.
18. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.18–20.
19. For an analytical study of the sources and historiography of this question, see Podlecki 1998.
20. See Stadter 1991. On Protagoras and Pericles, see later, chapter 8.
21. Lysias, Against Eratosthenes (12), 4. The same applies to Herodotus, “the father of history”: see earlier, introduction.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1. The date of the trial suggested by Ephorus is probably without foundation. Philochorus, in his Atthis (FGrHist 328 F 121), claims that the sentence was passed seven or eight years (hepta etesin) before the outbreak of the war. See Banfi 1999.
23. Plutarch, Pericles, 13.9. See later, chapter 7.
24. Aristophanes, Peace, 604–609 (referring to “the setbacks of Phidias”). Phidias was probably accused of appropriating public funds at the time of the construction of the statue of Athena Parthenos. See Diodorus Siculus, 12.39.1–2, who repeats Ephorus’s version.
25. Ps.-Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 27.4. The Greek text gives the name of his father, Damonides, but that is probably an error. See the discussion in Rhodes 1993, 341–342 (ad loc.). See earlier, chapter 5.
26. Plutarch, Pericles, 4.1. See earlier, chapter 1.
27. See Siewert 2002, 50: Damon Damonidou (Oathen). On the ostracism of Damon, however, see the doubts expressed by Raaflaub 2003.
28. Cratinus, fr. 118 K.-A.; and Bakola 2010, 222–223. On the meaning of this assimilation to Zeus, see later, chapter 8.
29. Thucydides, 2.13.1 (repeated by Plutarch, Pericles, 33.2). On the xenia linking the two men and its consequences in the early days of the war, see Herman 1987, 142–145.
30. It is not the case that links of xenia were totally proscribed in Athens, but aristocratic networks were becoming increasingly controlled both within the polis and beyond it: they were no longer recognized in the city unless they served the interests of Athens. See Mitchell 1998, 106, which opposes in particular the overstated view of Herman 1987, 156–161.
CHAPTER7. PERICLES AND EROS: CAUGHT BETWEEN CIVIC UNITY AND POLITICAL SUBVERSION
1. Scholtz 2007, 13–17; Wohl 2002, 30–72; Ludwig 2002, 7–14.
2. Aristotle, fr. 98 Rose (= Plutarch, Dialogue on Love [Erotikos], 760E–761B). See Calame 1999, 108–109.
3. Thucydides, 2.43.1. See Aeschylus, Eumenides, 851–853. For an analysis of this passage, see Monoson 2000, 64–87 (chapter 3: “Citizen as Erastēs [lover]: erotic imagery and the idea of reciprocity in the Periclean funeral oration”).
4. Winkler 1990, 47.
5. Monoson 2000, 83. See also Balot 2001b, 511–512.
6. Lévy 1976, 141.
7. Knights, 732. See also Knights, 783–789, 871–872, 1163, 1340; Wasps, 699.
8. On this traditional identification, see Connor 1992, 96.
9. Far from giving themselves to honest citizens, the people surrender only to lamp-lighters, cobblers, or leather merchants, “just like pretty boys [paides], those lover-tormenters [erōmenoi]”: Knights, 736–740 (based on the modified French translation by Debidour).
10. Golden 1984. Contra Dover 1978, 84, according to whom “homosexual relationships in Greek society are regarded as the product not of the reciprocal sentiment of equals but of the pursuit of those of lower status [that is, erōmenoi] by those of higher status [that is, erastai].”
11. Plato, Meno, 76b. However old he may be, the erastēs may become the slave of the erōmenos: see Xenophon, Memorabilia, 1.3.11, Symposium, 4.14, Oeconomicus, 1.22; Plato, Symposium, 183a, and Phaedrus, 252a.
12. Golden 1984, 314–315 (examples cited in nn. 34–35).
13. Golden 1984, 315 (with many examples in n. 37). According to this author, these conventions are designed to set aside the real subordination of the erōmenos. The fact is the latter is usually a young Athenian close to adulthood whom it would be embarrassing to represent in a subjected position, let alone a degraded one.
14. See Monoson 2000, 81–82; and, more generally, Sebillotte Cuchet 2006.
15. “There are spells [epoidas], they say, wherewith those who know charm whom they will and make friends of them and drugs which those who know give to whom they choose and win their love” (Memorabilia, 2.6.10).
16. Ibid., 2.6.13.
17. See Winkler 1990, 76–77.
18. Eupolis, The Demes, fr. 102 K.-A. See earlier, chapter 3.
19. Vernant 1990, 40, describes the way that a lover is haunted by the image of the loved one as follows: “A vision of him, instead of delighting him as would the sight of the real person, produces, not pleasure but, precisely, pothos, a nostalgic regret that he is absent.”
20. Pericles, 37.1. According to Aristophanes, Frogs (1425), pothos is also the word for what the people feel about the handsome Alcibiades: “[The people] long for him [pothei men], detest him, and yet desire him.”
21. Pericles, 39.4.
22. Plutarch, Pericles, 8.5. This anecdote echoes a tradition that can be traced back to Ion of Chios, according to whom the tragic poet was a better stratēgos in the domain of love than in that of warfare: see Ion of Chios, FGrHist 392 F 6 (= Athenaeus, 13.603E–604F).
23. See Azoulay 2004, 375 f.
24. Schwarze 1971, 111–112.
25. Plutarch, Pericles, 13.9. See earlier, chapter 6.
26. Schmitt Pantel 2007, 205.
27. Lysias, On the Murder of Eratosthenes (1), 33, with the commentary of Patterson 1998, 166–174. In the Athenian attempt at suppressing adultery, the question of the child’s legitimacy is central. That is why a rape is less grave than adultery: better a one-off criminal act than a slow process of corruption that may cast doubt on the legitimacy of the marriage’s already existing children. On this subject, see Harris 1990.
28. At the end of the fifth century, the comic poet Strattis (fr. 28 K.-A. = Athenaeus, 14.654F) was linking the breeding of peacocks with frivolity and luxury.
29. Cartledge 1990, 52–54; Miller 1997, 189–192.
30. Plato, Charmides, 158a. Pyrilampes, a friend of Pericles and married to Plato’s mother, was wounded and captured at Delion in 424 (Plutarch, The Genius of Socrates, 581D). Although extremely wealthy, he had named his son Demos, which shows his desire to conform with the democratic ideology (see Plato, Gorgias, 481d, for a pun on his name). See the family tree in Cartledge 1990, 45–46.
31. Antiphon, fr
. 58 Thalheim. See Cartledge 1990, 53 n. 52; and Miller 1997, 191. Ornithotrophia, the breeding of birds, was an activity even more distinctive than the breeding of horses, hippotrophia, which itself also aroused suspicions among the people. A number of discovered ostraka testify to how people reacted to this in the way they voted: horse breeding suggested that one was too wealthy to be honest.
32. Héritier, Cyrulnik, and Naouri 1994. However, see Bonnard 2002.
33. Pericles, 13.11. See also 36.3.
34. Hermippus, Moirai, fr. 47 K.-A. (= Pericles, 33.7); and Cratinus, Dionysalexandros (K.-A., p. 140).
35. See earlier, chapter 2.
36. On satyrs as highly sexed creatures, see Lissarrague 1990.
37. Heraclides Ponticus, fr. 59 Wehrli (= Athenaeus, 12.533C). Heraclides Ponticus (or Athenaeus, who cites him) here confuses Miletus and Megara. The confusion is probably linked to a faulty reading of Aristophanes’ Acharnians, 524–531, where the comic poet mentions the Megarians’ seizure of two courtesans trained by Aspasia.
38. Athenaeus, 13.589E.
39. Antisthenes, SSR Va 143 (= Plutarch, Pericles, 24.6). Antisthenes is probably Plutarch’s source, for Athenaeus attributes exactly the same story to him in his Deipnosophistae (13.589E).
40. Brulé 2003, 196. See Loraux 2003, 161–162.
41. Pericles, 32.1. Loraux 2003, 159.
42. Loraux 2003, 140.
43. Callias, Pedetai, fr. 21 K.-A.: in this play, dated, according to the authors, either to the late 430s or else to soon after the peace of 421 B.C., Pericles learns from Aspasia how to speak in public.
44. Schmitt Pantel 2007, 213: “But, in any case, the two statuses—whore and teacher of rhetoric—are perhaps not really all that opposed: both refer to the register of seduction; among the Greeks, peithō was as much a matter of rhetoric as of sexual attraction.” Rhetoric, like love, can establish one’s control over others.
45. See Lenfant 2003a, 402.
46. Alexis of Samos, FGrHist 539 F 1 = Athenaeus, 13.572F.
47. See D’Hautcourt 2006, according to whom the sanctuary was founded after a naval victory, as thanks to Aphrodite, the goddess of sea navigation—not by prostitutes.
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