The Polynesians, as many other Asian peoples, have similar traditions. After the first European missionaries arrived in the islands, they discovered that the Polynesians referred to themselves as “aomata,” a term that simply meant “humans.” But the Europeans were called “te-i-matang,” which meant “men from the land of the gods.”97 Other Polynesians referred to the white missionaries as “‘gold-haired children of Tangaroa,’ the god who according to their traditions came millennia before as a teacher and civilizer.”98 The idea is repeated in the Japanese legend of the ancient Yamato,99 the white people who supposedly came to Japan, teaching civilization, in the legends of the Hopi tribe in North America, and even in the Hindu epic, the Ramayana.
But if this tradition is “so strong and important, and so common, then we cannot assume that it wasn’t somehow anchored in reality.”100 However, if it is anchored in some “reality” lost in the mists of pre-history, what sort of reality is it? Are we dealing with a vast dispersion, or the activity of an elite? Or both? The problem is compounded by recent genetic studies, which place the origins of mankind in Africa, and from the black races some 150,000 to 200,000 years ago. While this is not the place to explore possible resolutions of this dilemma, it is worth suggesting that perhaps the dispersion of this white group of peoples was done with a purpose, one suggested by the traditions themselves, for in each case they say that there was a purpose involved, an agenda, namely, to bring “civilization” to the rest of humanity. We might be looking at the purposeful dispersion of an elite, not a migration. In either case, given the extent of the traditions of such contacts across the globe, and the equally suggestive linguistic evidence mentioned earlier, we are looking at a global activity and dispersion of this group of people.101
In the middle of this historical conundrum sits Nan Madol, an ancient city covering an area of almost eleven square miles, the center of which is a complex of artificially made islands occupying about one square mile. These islands are connected by tunnels.102 The site has also almost defied all attempts at a systematic exploration. The first explorer to do so — Kubary in the nineteenth century — committed suicide after a ship bearing artifacts recovered by him at Nan Madol sank on the way to Europe, and all his records and notes perished in a house fire. To this could be added dozens more who, visiting the site, perished, or were simply never seen again.103
Kubary was succeeded by the German Paul Hambruch in the early twentieth century, whose extensive survey of the site was popularized by Herbert Rittlinger in a book published in Germany in 1939.104 Rittlinger also mentioned a story that platinum metal tablets, covered with an unknown form of writing, were recovered there. If this story is true, then it might be yet another possible connection to those lost Sumerian “Tablets of Destiny,” and yet another possible connection to the activity of someone trying to preserve knowledge.
4. The Lost Civilization and the Flood: Polynesia, Egypt, and the Hopi
As has been noted, one of the curious features of Nan Madol is the many roads that emanate from its pyramids, and then disappear into the ocean, and we have already noted the Easter Island tradition of the Flood, the disappearance of a land to the west, and its faint suggestion that this was linked, somehow, to a deliberate action. Interestingly enough, Polynesian legends confirm this view, and even Egypt has a legend of “a great land in the east, among the waters of ‘Uaj-ur’ (as they named the eastern seas) that has been claimed by the sea.”105 Most interesting of these “lost land” legends, however, are those of the Hopi in North America, who maintain that they were evacuated to South America, whence they made their way to North America.106
5. The Land Bridge Collapses
The Hopi legends raise a number of questions about the standard “land bridge” model of Amerindian migrations to the Americas, across a land bridge on the Bering Straits between Siberia and Alaska, and thence gradually expanding southward from North America to South America. This theory was first formulated in 1938 by Dr. Alexd Hrdlicka of the Museum of Natural History in New York.107
But almost as soon as it was formulated the theory began to show cracks. The first and most obvious was apparent even when Hrdlicka formulated the theory, for the anthropological diversity among Amerindians was far greater than his theory would allow.108 The most serious problem imposed by the theory, however, is that it carried with it the implicit assumption that the most advanced cultural traces should be found in North America, and as the migration spread further south, less developed cultures should have emerged. But as we have seen, the most advanced culture in evidence — that at Puma Punkhu and Tiahuanaco — are far in advance of anything further north.109 The chronological progression of the facts is not that implied by the theory.
The discovery of human remains in 1963 in South America dating to 50,000 years ago, along with tools, was such an obvious contradiction to the theory that it is all but ignored by anthropology in North America.110 Worse yet, remains of black, white, and mixed human skulls in Meso- and North America have added an element of racial diversity on the American continents that the standard land bridge theory is unable to sustain.111 Even worse still, excavations in southern Chile of a human settlement — the oldest on either of the American continents — was found to be approximately 33,000 years old.112 In other words, it was South America, and not North America, that “became the scene of the most interesting, even breathtaking achievements — the continent that supposedly was peopled at the very last.”113
Worse yet, at Tafi del Valle, northwest of Buenos Aires in Argentina, there is a little-known megalithic site, that deserves attention. “the Argentine site wouldn’t be anything unusual either, if not for the fact that it looked as if all the characteristic elements from Neolithic Europe were transferred there, as if by some magic force.”114 These included trilithions, aligned to the cardinal compass points, stone circles, and phalluses.
But the most fatal blow to the land bridge theory comes from mitochondrial DNA, the DNA that all humans inherit from their mother. When this DNA is sampled, the oldest human remains in the Americas shows that they belong to a distinctively Pacific group called haplogroup B, common to the Pacific and southern North America, but not to Siberia or Alaska.115 Worse still, blood-typing of South American mummies revealed a preponderance of Blood type A Rh negative, a feature common to Europeans predominantly.
6. Summary
We have journeyed far from the Paradoxes of Puma Punkhu, but the paradoxes there of advanced machining, and the genetic and cultural diversity of Amerindian peoples point to a very different picture than that of the standard land bridge theory. The almost unanimous traditions from Polynesia to the legends of the “white- skinned,” bearded civilizing gods Virachoca and — as we shall see in the next two chapters — Kukalcan and Quetzlcoatl, point to a population that is very diverse, and to the possible activity of a group of people traveling throughout the globe with an agenda, for over and over those traditions insist that these people came to teach “civilization,” to aid in its preservation and rebuilding after a great catastrophe.
That catastrophe was evident in that the traditions of a Flood abound in almost all these cultures, a tradition that in some cases implies that the catastrophe was in part brought about by the use of technology in conflicts. In some cases, the giant stone remains — as at Puma Punkhu — were clearly the products of an advanced machining technology well in excess of anything possessed even today. In other cases, legends and traditions ascribed a mysterious “force” to the placement of such gigantic stones, the force of “mana” on Easter Island.
Can any of these layers be peeled back still farther, to make some sense of the history of mankind, and why such monumental structures were undertaken at so many places? The answer is, yes, but in order to understand that answer, we must now journey northward, to Meso-America, and scrutinize the legends and structures of the Mayans and Aztecs.
1 Igor Witkowski, Axis of the World: The Search for the Oldest American Culture
(Kempton, Illinois: Adventures Unlimited Press, 2008), p. 203.
2 The wall is located at Sacsayhuaan, near Cuzco. See David Hatcher Childress,Technology of the Gods: The Incredible Sciences of the Ancients (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2000), p. 70
3 Garcilasco de la Vega, The Royal Commentaries of the Incas, 233–235, cited in Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 285, emphasis added.
4 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 286.
5 Ibid., p. 287.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid., p. 285. As I point out in my book The Cosmic War (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2007), pp. 285, 293, the name Falcon is also attributable to another Egyptian god, the Sun-God Ra, and has distinctive connections to the planet Mars.
8 William Sullivan, Secret of the Incas, pp. 247–248, cited in Hancock and Faiia,Heaven’s Mirror, p. 294.
09 Hancock and Faiira, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 294.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid., p. 295.
12 Igor Witkowski, Axis of the World: The Search for the Oldest American Civilization (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2008), p. 227.
13 Igor Witkowski, Axis of the World: The Search for the Oldest American Civilization,p. 226.
14 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 222.
15 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p.224.
16 David Hatcher Childress, Technology of the Gods: The Incredible Sciences of the Ancients, p. 71.
17 Igor Witkowski, The Truth About the Wunderwaffe, Trans. from the Polish by Bruce Wenham (European History Press, 2003). ISBN 838825916–4.
18 Igor Witkowski, Axis of the World: The Search for the Oldest American Civilization(Adventures Unlimited Press, 2008), p.197.
19 Ibid., p. 203.
20 Ibid., p. 212.
21 Ibid., p. 213.
22 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 213.
23 Ibid., p. 214, emphasis in the original.
24 I have already commented briefly on this tripartite pattern in connections with the observations of Alan Alford at Giza. Q.v. The Giza Death Star (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2003), pp. 24–38.
25 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 214.
26 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 215.
27 Ibid.
28 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 270.
29 Ibid., p. 274.
30 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 272.
31 Ibid., p. 276.
32 Ibid., p. 275.
33 Ibid.
34 Joseph P. Farrell, The Giza Death Star, (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2001),pp. 25–26.
35 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p, 275, emphasis added, citing Sir Clements Markham, The Incas of Peru, p. 43, and William Sullivan, The Secret of the Incas, p. 29.
36 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 288, emphasis added.
37 See my Genes, Giants, Monsters, and Men (Feral House, 2011), chapter 3, section D, and D1. (Exact page references cannot be given as this book is being written prior to the release of Genes, Giants, Monsters, and Men.)
38 Hancock and Faiia, op. cit., p. 282.
39 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 270.
40 Ibid.
41 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p.204f.
42 Ibid., p. 204.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid., p.205.
45 Ibid., p.206.
46 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 206.
47 Ibid., p. 207.
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid., p. 198.
50 Hancock and Faiia, Heaven’s Mirror, p. 305.
51 Ibid., p. 306. Hancock and Faiia note that Poznanski had determined a date of 17,000 years ago.
52 Ibid., pp. 303–708.
53 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 216.
54 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 217
55 Ibid, pp. 218–219.
56 Ibid., p. 221.
57 Ibid., p. 217.
58 Witkowski, Axis of the World, pp. 19–20, citing A. Kondratov, Tajemnice trzech iceanow (Mysteries of Three Oceans) (Warsaw, 1980), emphasis added by me.
59 See the discussion in my book The Cosmic War, pp. 74–75, 83, 239.
60 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 14.
61 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 33
62 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 32.
63 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 26.
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid., p. 27.
66 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 37.
67 David Hatcher Childress, Lost Cities of Lemuria and the Pacific (Adventures Unlimited Press, 1988), p. 302. It is worth noting that the Rongo Rongo script, like that of Mohenjo Daro and ancient Sumer, was a syllabic writing. See Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 53.
68 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 28.
69 Ibid.
70 Ibid., p. 20.
71 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 30.
72 Ibid.
73 Joseph P Farrell, The Cosmic War, pp. 139–233. In my book Genes, Giants, Monsters and Men, in chapter 6, I indicate another possible connection of the Tablets of Destinies with an Eastern culture, that of China, and its system of divination, the I Ching.
74 Witkowski, op. cit., p. 16.
75 Ibid., p. 21.
76 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 22.
77 Ibid.
78 Ibid., p. 23.
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid., p. 24.
81 Q.v. my The Cosmic War, pp. 56–58.
82 Philip Coppens, “Ancient Atomic Wars: Best Evidence?” www.bibliotecapleyades.net/ancientatomicwar/esp_ancient_atomic_07.htm, p. 2.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid., p. 3. See also Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 47. The skeletons in general had levels of radioactivity commensurate with those at Hiromshima and Nagasaki. See my Giza Death Star (Adventures Unlimited Press, 2001), p. 97, n. 114.
85 David Hatcher Childress, Vimana Aircraft of Ancient India and Atlantis, (Adventures UNlimtied Press, 1999), pp. 61–62, citing the Mahabharata, emphasis added.
86 Ibid, p. 62, citing the Ramayana, emphasis added.
87 Ibid. citing the Mahabharata, emphasis added.
88 Jospeh P. Farrell, The Giza Death Star, p. 96.
89 Farrell, The Giza Death Star, p. 96.
90 Ibid.
91 Ibid., pp. 96–97.
92 Witkowski, p. 45.
93 Witkowski, Axis of the World, pp. 45–47.
94 Ibid., p. 51.
95 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 150.
96 Ibid., p. 158.
97 Ibid., p. 148.
98 Ibid.
99 Ibid., p. 75
100 Ibid., p. 149.
101 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 62. Witkowski also notes the discovery of white-skinned red-haired mummies in China, of all places, in connection with this idea. See pp. 63–64, 66.
102 Ibid., p. 152.
103 Ibid., p. 153.
104 Ibid.
105 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 77.
106 Ibid., pp. 80–81.
107 Ibid., p. 99.
108 Ibid., p. 100.
109 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 101.
110 Ibid., p. 104.
111 Ibid., pp. 105, 106–107.
112 Ibid., p. 108.
113 Ibid., p. 113.
114 Ibid., p. 146.
115 Witkowski, Axis of the World, p. 126.
7
MAYANS, MYTHS, AND MOUNDS:
THE MANIPULATION OF MATTER, MIND, AND MAN
“Their ancient day was not a great one,these ancient people only wanted conflict, their ancient names are not really divine, but fearful is the ancient evil of their faces.”
The Popol Vuh1
Having gone in the previous chapter from a survey of technological anomalies to a survey of the mythological and cultural contexts surrounding them, we now reverse the process, and go from the mythological context to the technological, to see if perhaps we can begin to peel back the layers of both to an understanding of the mysterious forces that people were
trying to manipulate with them. Accordingly, we shall focus here upon three sites — Tikal, Chichen Itza, and Teotihuacan — and one mythology, the Mayan?Popol Vuh.
The beginning of the Spanish conquest of Mexico and Meso-America in the sixteenth century saw the burning of many priceless records and books of the indigenous cultures, the records of thePopol Vuh, or The Dawn of Life and the Glories of Gods and Kings, among them.
Backed by means of persuasion that included gunpowder, instruments of torture, and the threat of eternal damnation, the invaders established a monopoly on virtually all forms of visible public expression, whether in drama, architecture, sculpture, painting or writing. In the highlands, when they realized that textile designs carried complex messages, they even attempted to ban the wearing of Mayan styles of clothing. Hundreds of hieroglyphic books were burned by missionaries, but they were still in use as late as the end of the seventeenth century in Yucatán and the beginning of the eighteenth in highland Guatemala.2
In the midst of this destruction, the Mayans acted to preserve their culture by adopting a rather clever strategy, using Christian saints to disguise references to the ancient gods and using Roman alphabetic characters “as a mask for ancient texts.”3
Humanity would know little, if anything, about the Mayan creation myths and legends were it not for these efforts, for the Popol Vuh as we have it now was the effort to preserve in alphabetic writing those myths, an effort undertaken by the three noble houses of the Mayans: “the Cauecs, the Greathouses, and the Lord Quichés.”4 The book itself, as extant today, is as much a mystery as its authors, and it is best to cite its English translator, Dennis Tedlock, at length here:
At the beginning of their book, the authors delicately describe the difficult circumstances under which they work. When they tell us that they are writing “amid the preaching of God, in Christendom now,” we can catch a plaintive tone only by noticing that they make this statement immediately after asserting that their own gods “accounted for everything — and did it, too — as enlightened beings, in enlightened words.” What the authors propose to write down is what Quichés call the Ojer Tzij, the “Ancient Word” or “Prior Word,” which has precedence over “the preaching of God.” They have chosen to do so because “there is no longer” a Popol Vuh, which makes it sound as though they intend to re-create the original book solely on the basis of their memory of what they have seen in its pages or heard in the long performance. But when we remember their complaint about being “in Christendom,” there remains the possibility that they still have the original book but are protecting it from possible destruction by missionaries. Indeed, their next words make us wonder whether the book might still exist, but they no sooner raise our hopes on this front than they remove the book’s reader from our grasp: “There is the original book and ancient writing, but the one who reads and assesses it has a hidden identity.” ...If they are protecting anyone with their enigmatic statements about an inaccessible book or an anonymous reader, it could well be themselves.5Fascinating as the history of the Popol Vuh and Mayan culture are, however, our attention must remain fixed upon its contents and its implications for our study of the Grid. But before we examine its contents, one last point must be mentioned, for one of the things that clearly emerges from Mayan culture is that its frequent references to a place called “Tulan” or “Tula” mean precisely the ancient ruins of Teotihuacan, outside of Mexico City.6 We shall have much to say about this site later in this chapter.
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