If defeated at this point the enemy was not annihilated. Richmond was awakening to its peril; and, aware of the weakness of the garrison, the Confederate authorities felt very uneasy. As when the Germans approached Paris or when Early menaced Washington, a general call to arms was made. But Nature seemed rather favorable to defensive operations. For three days it had rained more or less, and a little rain in the region of the Chickahominy is known to go a great way toward making a mortar-bed of the roads and meadows. About midnight the column moved forward in the order: Wilson, Merritt, Gregg. Captain Field, 4th United States Artillery (then serving with Fitzhugh’s battery), writes of the experience of Wilson’s command:
“We marched all night, virtually. The halts were frequent and exasperating. It was so dark that we could only follow the cavalry by putting a bugler on a white horse directly in rear of the regiment in front of us, with orders to move on as soon as they did. Finally, whether the bugler fell asleep waiting or we fell asleep while watching the white horse, it happened that we found a gap of unknown dimensions in front of us and started at a trot to close it. I know of nothing which creates such an appalling sense of loneliness as the fact of being left behind in an enemy’s country at night. It was a swampy region: the hoofs and the wheels made little or no sound. Once the deep blackness was pierced by a jet of vivid flame, and a sharp explosion on the road showed that we had sprung one of the torpedoes which had been to some extent planted there. While in doubt as to the road, we came upon a man wrapped in a blue overcoat standing near a gate, who told us that General Sheridan had left him to show us the way. Of course we followed his directions and entered the gate. It was evident that we were very near the city, as we could see the lights and hear the dogs barking. The road became less plainly marked and seemed to lead into extensive pleasure grounds, and finally we brought up on the edge of a large fish-pond. At that moment half a dozen flashes came from what seemed to be an embankment, and we found that we were in a regular trap and immediately under the fire of one of the outworks of the city. The guide who had given us the direction was either a deserter or a rebel in our uniform, and had deliberately misled us. He received the reward of his treachery, for Colonel McIntosh, who had from the first suspected him, kept him near him, and when their guns opened blew out his brains with a pistol.”
About this time General Sheridan and staff, riding in rear of Wilson’s division, hearing the firing, became convinced that the head of the column had passed the point where he had intended to turn in the direction of Mechanicsville. He sent off several of his staff to strike the road, which seemed as easily found as the proverbial needle in a haystack. But Captain F. C. Newhall did find the needle, and Merritt was sent down to Meadow Bridge to cover a crossing. In the meanwhile, as day broke, part of Wilson’s command, including Fitzhugh’s battery, found itself within the outer line of fortifications and threatened from all sides. South of them lay Richmond and its garrison; on the east a struggle for the bridge was going on between Merritt and an unknown force; while in a northerly direction, in rear of the main column, Gregg was standing off a force under Gordon. It was the tightest place in which the corps ever found itself. Fitzhugh had just ordered his caissons to go down as near the bridge as he could get, as our only avenue of escape appeared to be in that direction, when upon the scene came the sturdy presence of Sheridan. He hailed Fitzhugh, “Hullo, Charley! What are you doing with your caissons?” Fitzhugh explained that if hard pressed he wanted them out of the way. With a hearty laugh Sheridan replied, “Pushed hard! Why, what do you suppose we have in front of us? A lot of department clerks from Richmond, who have been forced into the ranks. I could capture Richmond, if I wanted, but I can’t hold it; and the prisoners tell me that every house in the suburbs is loopholed, and the streets barricaded. It isn’t worth the men it would cost; but I’ll stay here all day to show these fellows how much I care for them, and go when I get ready. Send for your caissons and take it easy.” As Captain Field says, “It was a little thing, but here was the spirit that burned so high at Winchester.”
The enemy had torn up the bridge, and were in some force on the opposite bank. Merritt dismounted all but three regiments, and Custer charged his men over the railroad bridge to cover the reconstruction, driving the enemy back some distance. As soon as the flooring was down the mounted force under Colonel Gibbs crossed. Gregg and Wilson covered the crossing of the ammunition and ambulance trains, and after a brisk affair with a brigade of infantry and cavalry under General Gordon, followed Merritt, to their common satisfaction. A small but enterprising Virginia newsboy had managed to slip into our lines with the morning papers, full of the alleged barbarities of the vandal horde. He seemed utterly indifferent to the horrors of war, crossed the bridge with the cavalry, and found his first Yankee customer in Lieutenant Whitehead, who eagerly exchanged a quarter for a Richmond “Inquirer,” which he sent to General Sheridan.
As soon as the head of our column turned toward the James it lost interest as an objective for the enemy. They were glad to watch us at a respectful distance, now that their beloved capital was once more safe. By way of Bottom’s Bridge the corps moved to Malvern Hill and Haxall’s, where much-needed supplies were procured from Butler’s army; many of us exchanged our mud-stained garments for blue flannel shirts from the gun-boats lying in the James, and for the nonce became horse-marines. On the 21st Sheridan, continuing his march to rejoin Grant, crossed the Pamunkey near White House, on the ruins of the railroad bridge, after six hours’ work at repairing it, two regiments at a time working as pioneers. The only incident of the crossing was the fall of a pack-mule from the bridge, from a height of thirty feet. The mule turned a somersault, struck an abutment, disappeared under water, came up and swam ashore without disturbing his pack. On the 23d the corps encamped at Aylett’s, and at 5 P.M. I was sent with my regiment, 2d United States Cavalry, accompanied by Captains Wadsworth and Goddard of the staff, to open communication with the army, the sound of whose guns had been heard early in the day. After a forty-mile night march we had the good fortune to find General Grant near Chesterfield Station, where on the 25th the Cavalry Corps also reported, having fully performed its allotted task. It had deprived Lee’s army, for the time, of its “eyes and ears,” damaged his communications, destroyed an immense quantity of supplies, killed the leader of his cavalry, saved to our Government the subsistence of ten thousand horses and men for three weeks, perfected the morale of the cavalry corps, and produced a moral effect of incalculable value to the Union cause. Sheridan’s casualties on the raid were 625 men killed or wounded, and 300 horses.
The Cavalry Corps returned in time to take part in an important flanking movement by the army, which in the meantime had fought the battle of Spotsylvania and had moved by the left to the North Anna River. On the 26th of May the army was posted on the north bank of that stream, with our left resting near Chesterfield bridge. Our infantry was now cautiously transferred from the right by the rear around the left of the line south of the river, crossing by Hanover Ferry. Sheridan, with Gregg’s and Torbert’s divisions, was to precede the infantry on the left, while Wilson’s division threatened the enemy’s left at Little River. On the 27th Torbert crossed at Hanover Ferry after some resistance by the enemy’s cavalry, and pushed on to Hanover Town, where he bivouacked, having captured sixty prisoners. Having secured the desired position, Grant directed Sheridan to regain the touch with Lee’s main army. To this end Gregg was sent in the direction of Hanover Court House, but was opposed at Hawes’s Shop by the enemy’s dismounted cavalry (including a brigade of South Carolina troops with long-range rifles) in an intrenched position. General Gregg writes:
“In the shortest possible time both of my brigades were hotly engaged. Every available man was put into the fight, which had lasted some hours. Neither party would yield an inch. Through a staff-officer of General Sheridan I sent him word as to how we stood, and stated that with some additional force I could destroy the equilibrium and go forward.
Soon General Custer reported with his brigade. This he dismounted and formed on a road leading to the front and through the center of my line. In column of platoons, with band playing, he advanced. As arranged, when the head of his column reached my line all went forward with a tremendous yell, and the contest was of short duration. We went right over the rebels, who resisted with courage and desperation unsurpassed. Our success cost the Second Division 256 men and officers, killed and wounded. This fight has always been regarded by the Second Division as one of its severest.”
SHERIDAN AND SOME OF HIS GENERALS. FAC-SIMILE OF A PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN IN 1864.
General Grant adds:
“But our troops had to bury the dead, and found that more Confederate than Union soldiers had been killed.”
A number of prisoners were taken by Gregg. On the 29th of May a reconnoissance in force was ordered to locate the enemy’s line. We could easily find his cavalry,—too easily sometimes,—but the main Army of Northern Virginia seemed to have hidden itself, and Grant’s infantry moved cautiously to the left and front. Sheridan was charged with the protection of our left while the general movement lasted. On the 30th Hancock and Warren discovered the enemy in position. Torbert was attacked by the Confederate cavalry near Old Church, at 2 P.M., and fought until 5 P.M., when he succeeded in pressing the enemy toward Cold Harbor. Wilson had been sent to the right to cut the Virginia Central, and occupied Hanover Court House after a sharp skirmish with Young’s cavalry. On the 31st Torbert saddled up at 2 A.M.; he moved toward Old Cold Harbor at 5 A.M., found the enemy’s cavalry in position, and drove them three miles upon their infantry. Retiring leisurely in search of a suitable camping-ground, Sheridan was directed by Grant to return to Cold Harbor and “hold it at all hazards.” So at 10 P.M., weary and disgusted, having been on duty for eighteen hours, we moved back and reoccupied the old rifle-pits—at least, part of the force did. The remainder were massed in rear, lying down in front of their jaded horses, bridle-rein on arm, and graciously permitted to doze. At 5 A.M., as things remained quiet in front, coffee was prepared and served to the men as they stood to horse. Officers’ packs appeared in an adjoining field, and the mess-cooks managed to broil a bone, butter a hoe-cake, and boil more coffee, and although the command remained massed the surroundings seemed more peaceful. My fourth cup of coffee was in hand when a few shots were heard in front, causing a general pricking up of ears. Soon skirmishers’ compliments began to come our way and drop among the packs. Our line in the rifle-pits was at once reënforced. An amusing scene met the eye where the pack-mules had been standing: the ground was covered with the débris of officers’ light baggage and mess-kits, mules were braying and kicking, and drivers were yelling, when, suddenly, jackasses, mules, and contrabands made for the rear, encountering on the way the corps commander and staff, who only by turning into a convenient farm-yard escaped the deluge.
The center of the line was occupied by the Reserve Brigade (Merritt’s): six hundred dismounted men of the 1st and 2d United States, 6th Pennsylvania, and 1st New York Dragoons, armed with Sharps breech-loading carbines—excepting the 1st New York, which had Spencer magazine carbines (seven-shooters). The brigade was posted on the crest of a ravine, with timber in front and rear, excepting opposite the regiment on the left where there was a clearing, and on the right which rested on a swamp. The enemy kept up a desultory fire until 8 A.M., when a compact mass of infantry, marching steadily and silently, company front, was reported moving through the timber upon our position. This timber consisted of large trees with but little undergrowth. Our men were not aware of the character of the force about to attack us. But the morale of the corps was so good and their confidence in Sheridan so great that when the order “to hold at all hazards” was repeated they never dreamed of leaving the spot. Foreseeing a great expenditure of ammunition, some of the cavalry-men piled even their pistol-cartridges by their sides where they would be handy. On came the gray-coated foe, armed with Austrian muskets with sword-bayonets. These, flashing through the trees, caught the eye of a little Irish corporal of the 2d Cavalry, who exclaimed in astonishment, “Howly Mother! here they come wid sabers on fut!”
For a moment the skirmishers redoubled their fire, the enemy took the double-quick, and as they charged us the rebel yell rang through the forest. Then a sheet of flame came from the cavalry line, and for three or four minutes the din was deafening. The repeating carbines raked the flank of the hostile column while the Sharps single-loaders kept up a steady rattle. The whole thing was over in less than five minutes; the enemy, surprised, stunned, and demoralized, withdrew more quickly than they came, leaving their dead and wounded. We did not attempt to follow, but sent out parties to bring in the badly wounded, who were menaced with a new danger as the woods were now on fire. From prisoners we found that the attack was made by part of Kershaw’s division (reported to be 1500 strong), and that they had advanced confidently, being told that “there was nothing in their front but cavalry.” The tremendous racket we made hastened the approach of the Sixth Corps on its way to relieve us. To them we cheerfully gave place, having taken the initiative in what was destined to be, before the sun went down, the bloody and historic battle of Cold Harbor.
* * *
1 “Memoirs,” Vol. II., p.158.
CHAPTER 4
GENERAL LEE IN THE WILDERNESS CAMPAIGN.
Charles S. Venable, Lieutenant-Colonel, C.S.A., of General Lee’s Staff.
During the winter of 1863–64 General Lee’s headquarters were near Orange Court House. They were marked by the same bare simplicity and absence of military form and display which always characterized them. Three or four tents of ordinary size, situated on the steep hillside, made the winter home of himself and his personal staff. It was without sentinels or guards. He used during the winter every exertion for filling up the thin ranks of his army and for obtaining the necessary supplies for his men. There were times in which the situation seemed to be critical in regard to the commissariat. The supplies of meat were brought mainly from the States south of Virginia, and on some days the Army of Northern Virginia had not more than twenty-four hours’ rations ahead. On one occasion the general received by mail an anonymous communication from a private soldier containing a very small slice of salt pork, carefully packed between two oak chips, and accompanied by a letter saying that this was the daily ration of meat, and that the writer having found it impossible to live on it had been, though he was a gentleman, reduced by the cravings of hunger to the necessity of stealing. The incident gave the commanding general great pain and anxiety, and led to some strong interviews and correspondence with the Commissary Department. During the winter General Lee neglected no interest of his soldiers. He consulted with their chaplains and attended their meetings, in which plans for the promotion of special religious services among the men were discussed and adopted.
While he was accessible at all times, and rarely had even one orderly before his tent, General Lee had certain wishes which his aides-de-camp knew well they must conform to. They did not allow any friend of soldiers condemned by court-martial (when once the decree of the court had been confirmed by him) to reach his tent for personal appeal, asking reprieve or remission of sentence. He said that with the great responsibilities resting on him he could not bear the pain and distress of such applications, and to grant them when the judge advocate-general had attested the fairness and justice of the court’s decision would be a serious injury to the proper discipline of the army. Written complaints of officers as to injustice done them in regard to promotion he would sometimes turn over to an aide-de-camp, with the old-fashioned phrase, “ ’Suage him, Colonel, ’suage him”; meaning thereby that a kind letter should be written in reply. But he disliked exceedingly that such disappointed men should be allowed to reach his tent and make complaints in person. On one occasion during the winter an officer came with a grievance and would not be satisfied without an interview with the commanding general. He went to the general’s tent and remained
some time. Immediately upon his departure General Lee came to the adjutant’s tent with flushed face, and said warmly, “Why did you permit that man to come to my tent and make me show my temper?” The views which prevail with many as to the gentle temper of the great soldier, derived from observing him in domestic and social life, in fondling of children, or in kind expostulation with erring youths, are not altogether correct. No man could see the flush come over that grand forehead and the temple veins swell on occasions of great trial of patience and doubt that Lee had the high, strong temper of a Washington, and habitually under the same strong control. Cruelty he hated. In that same early spring of 1864 I saw him stop when in full gallop to the front (on report of a demonstration of the enemy against his lines) to denounce scathingly and threaten with condign punishment a soldier who was brutally beating an artillery horse.
UNIFORM OF THE MARYLAND GUARD, C.S.A.
The quiet camp-life at Orange had been broken in upon for a brief season in November by Meade’s Mine-Run campaign. In this General Lee, finding that Meade failed to attack the Confederate lines, made arrangements on the night of December 1st to bring on a general battle on the next morning by throwing two divisions against the Federal left, held by Warren’s corps, which had been found by a close cavalry reconnoissance to present a fair occasion for successful attack. He had hoped to deal a severe blow to Meade’s army, and felt very keenly his failure to carry out his designs. When he discovered that Meade had withdrawn, he exclaimed in the presence of his generals, “I am too old to command this army; we should never have permitted these people to get away.” Some who were standing by felt that in his heart he was sighing for that great “right arm” which he threw around Hooker at Chancellorsville. Both armies returned quietly to winter quarters and rested until May 4th, when Lee marched out in the early morning to meet the Federal army which had moved under its new commander, at midnight on the 3d, to turn his right flank. He took with him Ewell’s corps (less two brigades which had been detached for duty elsewhere during the winter) and two divisions of Hill’s corps—with artillery and cavalry—leaving Longstreet with two divisions at Gordonsville (Pickett’s being absent below Richmond), Longstreet’s third division and Anderson’s division of Hill’s corps, on the Rapidan heights, to follow him on the next day.
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