For a time he replaced his own life with the fictions of Dickens and Shakespeare. He knew some of Shakespeare’s plays by heart. ‘Hamlet and Falstaff were more alive to me than any living politician or even any relative.’ In the reading of Shakespeare there was all life except the actual presence of the body from which, as a vehicle of emotion, Sonny had become alienated. In separating the word-music from the meaning he was to become, like Ulysses, tied to the mast and listening to the sirens. For Shaw’s prejudice was optimism. To expose yourself to feel what wretches feel could lead to the ‘barren pessimism’ that Shakespeare himself might survive, but Shaw could not. Shakespeare’s celebration of the splendours and miseries of sexual love paralysed Shaw who described it as ‘folly gone mad erotically’, and used all his wit and critical intelligence to reduce it to ‘platitudinous fudge’. He could allow himself to respond to the passionate language only by insisting that it swept literature ‘to a plane on which sense is drowned in sound’. So Sonny listened and was comforted by these sounds that filled the place of his captivity.
7
Music in Dublin
Without music we shall surely perish of drink, morphia, and all sorts of artificial exaggerations of the cruder delights of the senses.
‘The Religion of the Pianoforte’, Fortnightly Review (February 1894)
‘My university has three colleges,’ Shaw used to say. They were Dalkey Hill, the National Gallery, and Lee’s Amateur Musical Society. Hatch Street was full of music. ‘I was within earshot of a string of musical masterpieces,’ Shaw wrote, ‘which were rehearsed in our house right up to the point of the full choral & orchestral rehearsals.’ Before he was fifteen he knew Beethoven’s Mass in C, Mendelssohn’s Athalie, Handel’s Messiah, Verdi’s Trovatore, Donizetti’s Lucrezia and above all Mozart’s Don Giovanni from cover to cover. After seeing Gounod’s Faust, he decorated the walls of his room at Dalkey with watercolour heads of Mephistopheles. ‘We made of Mephistopheles a familiar, almost living character,’ McNulty recalled.
In music Sonny’s senses came alive. He felt he was experiencing all manner of impossible emotions: the ‘candour and gallant impulse of the hero, the grace and trouble of the heroine, and the extracted quintessence of their love’. But he could neither play nor read a note of music, for ‘nobody dreamt of teaching me anything’. When an amateur player named Phipps offered to teach him the oboe, George Carr Shaw objected that the price of an oboe and tuition fees put it out of the question. Sonny did what he could. Presented by one of his uncles with an ancient cornet-à-piston (‘absolutely the very worst and oldest cornet then in existence’), he took lessons twice a week from an English guardsman, walking to his house in Mount Pleasant Street with the obsolete instrument wrapped up in brown paper under his arm.
‘My elder sister had a beautiful voice,’ Shaw wrote. ‘...it cost her no effort to sing or play anything she had once heard, or to read any music at sight.’ This contrast to himself irked Shaw. Lucy sang, he wrote, ‘without the slightest effort and without the slightest point, and was all the more desperately vapid because she suggested artistic gifts wasting in complacent abeyance’.
Although it was Agnes of the hazel eyes and gorgeous curtain of red hair who received most attention within Hatch Street, Lucy was the star. Her expression charmed and interested people, and she had a faint resemblance to Ellen Terry to which she drew attention by wearing Lyceum-style clothes and feather hats. One of her admirers was Sonny’s friend McNulty who later ‘asked her to marry me: but she refused on the grounds that she was five years older: and that when I was forty-five she would be “a white haired old woman of fifty”. So, that little romance faded.’ Away from home, she was ‘everybody’s darling,’ Shaw wrote: ‘she broke many hearts, but never her own.’ She longed not for a lover, but for a mother and father: a family. Not finding one, she affected a defensively low opinion of men. ‘Brothers don’t matter to their sisters,’ Shaw commented; ‘at least I didn’t matter to mine: it is the stranger who is loved. The natural dislike for near relatives is ordained to save frightful complications. So presto vivace... and away with melancholy!’
Italian opera seemed what Lucy was heading for even before she sang Amina in Lee’s production, at the Theatre Royal, Dublin, of Bellini’s La Sonnambula. Lee had begun to organize musical evenings in the Antient Concert Room at 42½ Great Brunswick Street. These were often in aid of hospitals and would include a popular overture, some ballads and choruses, and the strengthening contribution from a regimental band. For the Shakespeare Tercentenary of 1864, having worked up a programme of Purcell and Schubert, Lee emerged at the head of his Amateur Musical Society as an orchestral conductor. He had no scholarship but, conducting from a first violin or vocal score, gave the right time to the band. ‘There was practically no music in Dublin except the music he manufactured,’ Shaw wrote.
‘He kept giving concerts... and he had to provide all the singers for them. If he heard a flute mourning or a fiddle scraping in a house as he walked along the street, he knocked at the door & said “You come along & play in my orchestra.” If a respectable citizen came for twelve lessons to entertain small tea parties, he presently had that amazed gentleman, scandalous in tights & tunic, singing as “il rio di Luna” to my mother’s Azucena, or Alfonso to her Lucrezia, as the case might be. He coached them into doing things utterly beyond their natural powers.’
‘This favourite Society,’ reported the Irish Times on 30 May 1865, ‘...includes many of the most distinguished amateur vocalists in the city... On few occasions has the Ancient Concert’s Music Hall contained a larger and more fashionable attendance... and the concert was in every respect most judiciously carried out.’ This was typical of the notices that the Amateur Musical Society received in the late 1860s. But Lee wanted to conduct oratorio festivals and operas; and his ambitions were set upon London.
*
It was probably in 1869 that Lee first began to dream of a conquest of London. He appears to have taken Bessie Shaw into his confidence. On 30 October that year Bessie and her brother made an agreement with their father whereby the son received £2,500 (equivalent to £97,500 in 1997) and Bessie £1,500 paid to her at the rate of £100 a year ‘for her own sole and separate use and free from the debts control or engagements of her husband’. This was in addition to £400 settled on Agnes either through the estate of Ellen Whitcroft or Mrs Shaw’s own trust of 1852. Bessie now had the maximum financial independence it was in her power to command.
Six weeks later, Lee published a book entitled The Voice: Its Artistic Production, Development, and Preservation. Encased between heavy dark green boards elaborately stamped in gold, with a woodcut on its cover from Maclise’s Origins of the Harp, this volume of 130 pages of ‘agreeably tinted’ paper represented Lee’s passport to a larger musical world. It had been ghosted, Shaw tells us, ‘by a scamp of a derelict doctor whom he entertained for that purpose’ – probably Malachi J. Kilgarriff, Demonstrator at the Ledwich School of Anatomy, a Catholic and one-time neighbour of Lee’s in Harrington Street.
Not long after this, while still thirteen, Sonny was sent off to be interviewed by a firm of cloth merchants, Scott, Spain & Rooney, on one of Dublin’s quays. His employment in the warehouse loading bales was on the point of being settled when the senior partner walked in and declared that ‘I was too young, and that the work was not suitable to me. He evidently considered that my introducer, my parents, and his young partner, had been inconsiderate... I have not forgotten his sympathy.’
Unable to convert him from an expenditure at school to a source of income in the warehouse, they had failed to get him off their hands. He returned for another year to the Dublin English and Scientific Commercial Day School. Then, through the influence of his Uncle Frederick he was found employment as office boy in a ‘leading and terribly respectable’ firm of land agents, Uniacke Townshend & Co. He started work there on 26 October 1871 with an annual salary of £18 (equivalent to £875 in 1997). He was no lon
ger Sonny to his family, but the name he most loathed: George.
Six weeks later an odd, apparently insignificant thing happened: Lee changed his name. In all press notices and legal documents he had been George J. Lee, the J. sometimes appearing as John. After 2 December 1871 the J. is replaced by a V. often lengthened to Vandeleur. This flowering of his name coincided with a fresh thrust to his musical ambitions. Since the publication of The Voice, Lee had been extending his Society beyond the giving of charitable concerts for the poor – increasing his advertisements in the press together with the number and glory of his patrons which, by 1871, included His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant. He had by now begun producing Italian Opera (mixed into the menu with burlesque and miscellaneous band music) at the Theatre Royal and the newly opened Gaiety Theatre – taking these productions on tour to Limerick and Cork, and making a reconnaissance himself to London.
The opposition to Lee was led by Sir Robert Prescott Stewart, an ambitious academic who had won many prizes for his glees and rose to become the most highly regarded Irish musician of his day. Stewart made his first move in the summer of 1871 – persuading the more eminent members of Lee’s committee to resign. At a meeting on 11 November, following the congratulations on increased membership and money, the Irish Times reported that ‘some misunderstanding has arisen as to members of the Society performing in English or other operas at the theatre [the Theatre Royal], and in consequence of which a considerable number of the committee refused to offer themselves for re-election’.
Lee acted immediately. He reconstituted his Society into the Amateur Musical, Operatic and Dramatic Society, replaced the various Lords and Generals with a sixteen-man Committee that included a Colonel, two Majors and ten Captains, and announced: A GRAND MILITARY, DRAMATIC AND OPERATIC PERFORMANCE WILL BE GIVEN AT THE NEW GAIETY THEATRE.
In January 1872, Lee transformed his amateurs into the New Philharmonic Society – a title that signalled his ambition to replace the almost fifty-year-old Philharmonic – and, under one title or another, led them indefatigably through concerts, oratorio festivals and truncated operas. Bessie, as his musical adjutant, was indispensable to him, arranging orchestral accompaniments, copying out band parts, composing songs (‘The Parting Hour’, ‘The Night is Closing Round, Mother’) under the nom de plume ‘Hilda’ and singing with what the Irish Times described as ‘artistic grace and expression’. Her voice, which ‘never expressed eroticism’, was particularly thrilling in the interpretation of songs about bereaved lovers seeking reunion in the next world.
So successful had Lee become that on 19 September he bought the lease of Torca Cottage (which up to then he had merely rented). Though many of his concerts were advertised as being in aid of charity, only what was termed ‘the Surplus’ found its way to various hospitals. This usually amounted to about £25 – whereas Lee himself, so John O’Donovan has calculated, ‘would have pocketed a sum not far off £200 for each concert’.
Early in 1873 Lee fulfilled one of his major ambitions by conducting the Dublin Musical Festival. ‘The crowds of persons who besieged each portion of the hall soon filled to its utmost capacity, every particle of available space obtainable... the large doors leading into the building at the end of the Hall had to be thrown open and numbers were content to obtain standing room in the outer galleries,’ reported the Irish Times. After congratulating Lee on his splendid results, the reviewer predicted that with patience he would surely ‘reap the rewards his energies and abilities deserve’.
Eager for these rewards, Lee prominently advertised two benefit concerts of ‘Amateur Italian Opera’ for himself and the leader of his orchestra, the violinist R. M. Levey, in late March or early April. But Robert Prescott Stewart was already at work; with his encouragement the debenture holders availed themselves of their right to one free ticket and crowded the theatre. On 5 April, Lee and Levey published a sarcastic announcement in the Irish Times in which they begged ‘to return their grateful thanks (?) to the many debenture holders who honoured their BENEFIT... by making use of their FREE admissions’.
The deciding battle was fought over the 1873 Exhibition the following month. In his opening concert, Lee, having assembled a combined chorus and orchestra of over five hundred, gave a performance of Mendelssohn’s Athalie. Three thousand or more people attended the Concert Hall and the Irish Times reported that ‘the five hundred voices blended most harmoniously’. Stewart was in the audience and next day in the Daily Express he published a scathing criticism of the performance, anonymously. Although Mr Lee had been ‘heartily applauded’ by his own chorus, Stewart concluded: ‘Indiscriminate praise is worthless, and e’er long, heartily despised, even by those who are the objects of it.’ In private Stewart was more outspoken. On page 50 of his copy of The Annals of the Theatre Royal, Dublin, he noted in the margin next to Lee’s name: ‘an impostor, who traded successfully on the vanity of amateur singers: he had a few aliases; now Mr Geo. Lee; again Mr Geo. J. Lee: and also J. Vandeleur Lee; at last he was Vandeleur Lee simply’. In a letter to Joseph Robinson, he admitted: ‘I did in my time one good work in Dublin. I unmasked one arrant impostor and drove him away.’
The details of this ‘unmasking’ are unknown. On 26 May Lee gave his last concert in Dublin. The attendance was disappointing. At the beginning of June, having abruptly cancelled another concert, he left Dublin for ever and his place as conductor of the New Philharmonic was taken by Sir Robert Prescott Stewart.
Lee had gone to London. A few days later, on 17 June, her twenty-first wedding anniversary, Bessie Shaw followed him, taking Agnes on the boat with her, and at Hatch Street ‘all musical activity ceased’.
8
Marking Time
The worst sin towards our fellow creatures is not to hate them, but to be indifferent to them; thats the essence of inhumanity.
The Devil’s Disciple
‘We did not realize, nor did she, that she was never coming back.’ But there was much that the young George must have realized, and the later Shaw misremembered. The only suggestion that he had known of Lee’s losing battle with Stewart is an acknowledgement in the 1935 Preface to London Music that ‘Lee became the enemy of every teacher of singing in Dublin; and they reciprocated heartily’. But he gave as the reason for Lee’s departure from Ireland his having reached the Dublin limit of excellence: ‘Dublin in those days seemed a hopeless place for an artist; for no success counted except a London success.’
In the Shavian version, therefore, ‘Lee did not depart suddenly from Dublin... there was nothing whatever sudden or unexpected about it.’ George obviously knew that his mother had left within a fortnight of Lee but in answer to one of his biographers Shaw wrote: ‘As to your question whether Lee’s move to London and my mother’s were simultaneous, they could not have been. Lee had to make his position in London before he could provide the musical setting for my mother and sister. But the break-up of the family was an economic necessity anyhow, because without Lee we could not afford to keep up the house.’ It was towards this ‘economic necessity’ Shaw pointed his biographers.
‘My father’s business was not prospering: it was slowly dying. Then there was my eldest sister Lucy... She seemed to have a future as a prima donna; and this was about the only future that presented itself as an alternative to a relapse into squalid poverty, and the abandonment of the musical activity which had come to be my mother’s whole life.
There was only one solution possible, granting that my mother and father could be quite as happy apart as together, to say the least. Lee was soon able to report a success: all the West End clamoring for lessons at a guinea, and his house in Park Lane a fashionable musical centre. This was clearly the opening for Lucy. It did not take very long for my mother to make up her mind. She sold up Hatch St., after a reconnaissance in London; settled my father and myself in furnished lodgings; and took a house for herself and her two daughters in Victoria Grove, Fulham Road... a couple of miles from Park Lane.’
As
to George Carr Shaw: ‘I should think it was the happiest time of his life.’
When Lee arrived in London he put up in lodgings at Ebury Street where he remained a year. A mile away, at 13 Victoria Grove, Bessie and Agnes were presently joined by Lucy. Though Bessie continued to sing and work for Lee, who was in and out of Victoria Grove very much in the old fashion, it was probably important that they lived apart. According to McNulty, George Carr Shaw initiated court proceedings citing Lee ‘not as a criminal offender against the sacredness of Holy Matrimony but rather as an object of jealousy to the Petitioner’. Their ‘reconnaissance’, as Shaw calls it, lasted nine months during which time they were paying the rent for two separate premises in addition to the rent at Hatch Street which must partly invalidate the argument of ‘economic necessity’. It was not until the beginning of March 1874 that Bessie returned to Dublin to sell up the furniture in Hatch Street, raise what money she could, and move her husband and son into rooms at 61 Harcourt Street. Then for the last time she left Dublin with her two daughters and returned to London. Perhaps because of some out-of-court arrangement with George Carr Shaw who agreed to pay her one pound a week, she did not live at the same address as Lee. In April he was to cut his last connection with Ireland by selling the lease of Torca Cottage to a musical colleague, Julian Marshall, from whom he afterwards rented 13 Park Lane in London.
Bernard Shaw Page 5