Fatal Terrain
Dale Brown
G. P. Putnam’s Sons
New York
G. P. Putnam’s Sons Publishers Since 1838 a member of Penguin Putnam Inc.
200 Madison Avenue New York, NY 10016
Copyright © 1997 by Target Direct Productions, Inc. All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form without permission. Published simultaneously in Canada
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brown, Dale, date. Fatal terrain / by Dale Brown.
p. cm.
ISBN 0-399-14241-X (alk. paper) I. Title.
PS3552.R68543F38 1997 97-9564 CIP
813'.54—dc21
Printed in the United States of America 123456789 10 This book is printed on acid-free paper. ©
Book design by Deborah Kerner
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Harold J. Hough, military technology journalist and author of Satellite Surveillance, for his help in researching modern Chinese military capabilities and strategies.
A valuable resource on ancient Chinese military thought from which some of the quotations in this book were taken is The Seven Military Classics of Ancient China, translated by Ralph D. Sawyer (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993).
To Diane: Thanks for starting the adventure with me.
This novel is dedicated to the nineteen U.S. Air Force soldiers who lost their lives as a result
OF A TERRORIST BOMBING IN DHAHRAN, SAUDI ARABIA,
in June of 1996. Sun-tzu said, “Compel others: do not be
COMPELLED BY THEM.” OUR LEADERS, MILITARY AND
civilian, should remember and heed these words.
Disclaimer
This is a work of fiction. Any similarity to actual persons, living or dead, or to any actual place, organization, or event is coincidental and purely a product of the authors imagination. The thoughts and opinions expressed are solely those of the author.
Please leave your comments and suggestions for me at:
ReaderMail@Megafortress. com
or visit my Web site at: http://www.Megafortress.com.
I promise to read everyone’s comments, but due to the tremendous number of messages I receive, it may take a while to reply. Thanks!
REAL-WORLD NEWS EXCERPTS
jane’s intelligence review, special report #7, “Territorial Disputes,” 1995—There is one particular instance of an island dispute which could certainly prove very dangerous—the island of Taiwan. There is no doubt that China is very sensitive to any possibility that Taiwan may drift into complete independence from the mainland . . .
Should Taiwan be seen to embark on the course of independence, China would almost certainly use force to stop it, and full-scale war could easily result. . .
... Many analysts believe this to be the most serious long-term threat to Asia’s security . . .
“prescription for peace and PROSPERiTY”~speech by former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, 17 January 1996, Taipei, Taiwan—The principle of the balance of power, in which several weaker forces combine to counterbalance a stronger one, is often underrated. In fact it makes for stability. But there also has to be one global power, a military power of last resort, to ensure that regional disputes do not escalate to uncontainable levels. That power is and can only be the United States. It is in all our interests to keep her committed to upholding international order, which means remaining a Pacific and indeed a European power.
That requires encouragement and support from America’s allies and those who benefit from America’s presence. It would have been a rash person who would have predicted at the end of the Vietnam War that America would still have substantial forces in Asia two decades later. But thank goodness America has had the stamina and resolve to stay because its presence is the critical element in the Asian security equation . . .
BEIJING WARNS U.S. IT’S READY TO ATTACK TAIWAN-01 /24/96-NeW
York—Reuters—China has warned the United States it has completed plans for a limited attack on Taiwan that could be launched in the weeks after Taiwan’s president wins an election in March, the New York Times reported on Wednesday.
However, a senior U. S. official was quoted by the New York Times as saying the Clinton administration had “no independent confirmation or even credible evidence” that Beijing was considering an attack.
The New York Times report from Beijing said the most direct warning was conveyed through former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Chas Freeman, who held discussions this winter with senior Chinese officials.
Freeman told National Security Advisor Anthony Lake that the Chinese army had prepared plans for a missile attack against Taiwan at one strike a day for 30 days, the newspaper said. *
BEIJING REAFFIRMS CLAIM TO ROC AS “PART OF CHINA” (JAN
30/DPA)-Beijing—DPA—Taiwan is an “inalienable part” of China, Chinese Prime Minister Li Peng said Tuesday on the anniversary marking the reunification initiative of state and party head Jiang Zemin.
“There is only one China in the world and Taiwan is an inalienable part of it,” Li said. “Whatever changes might occur in the way in which the leadership in Taiwan is chosen, they cannot change the fact that Taiwan is a part of China and its leaders are only leaders of a region.” Li warned, however, against using a change of government leaders in Taiwan as an excuse to put their separatist activities in legal guise.
PERRY DECLINES TO SAY THAT U.S. WOULD DEFEND TAIWAN (Feb
7/Blmbrg)—Washington (Feb 6)—Bloomberg—U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry declined today to say the U.S. would definitely defend Taiwan if that country is attacked by China.
How the U.S. would respond to such an attack “depends very much on the circumstances” that prompted the incident, Perry said during a speech at the Washington Institute here today. His speech was broadcast throughout the Pentagon.
Perry said the Taiwan Relations Act continues to guide U.S. policy. That 1979 U.S. law doesn’t require the U.S. to defend Taiwan if Taiwan is attacked. The act does say the U.S. would consider an attack on Taiwan “a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.”
jane’s intelligence review, “China’s View of Strategic Weapons,” March 1996—Since its first nuclear detonation in 1964, China has maintained a declaratory policy not to use nuclear weapons first . . . But should the threat of defeat become real, all bets are off. Presumably since nuclear strikes [against Taiwan] would be taking place “within China’s borders,” this is considered to be technically a non-violation of nuclear declaratory policy.
defense & foreign affairs handbook (London: International Media Corp. Ltd., 1996)—It became clear, however, as the elections in the ROC [Republic of China] approached, that the PRC [People’s Republic of China] was not, in reality, ready for a conventional invasion of Taiwan . . . The only option open to the PRC to achieve its objective would be a full missile bombardment of Taiwan, using nuclear weapons. The PRC made it clear that this was not ruled out; and, if the U.S. interfered in this “domestic” matter, then a nuclear strike by PRC ICBMs on U.S. cities, such as Los Angeles, could not be discounted . . .
B-52 MISSION SHOWS GLOBAL REACH, AIR FORCE SAYS, by Bryan
Bender, 09/05/96, Phillips Business Information, Inc. (used with permission)—The effective use of two Air Force B-52 bombers that fired 13 of the 27 cruise missiles in the first attack on Iraqi air defenses Tuesday demonstrated the viability of the service’s post-Cold War strategy of striking anywhere at any time, according to the mission commander.
The bombers from the 96th Bomb Squadron left
Barksdale AFB, La., Monday for Andersen AFB, Guam, where they then launched the Operation Desert Strike mission.
The 34-hour, 13,600-mile mission—which included four midair refuelings—“proved the concept” of global reach and global power, or being able to launch assets on short notice—in this case from the United States—at targets across the world, Lt. Col. Floyd Carpenter, also commander of the 96th Bomb Squadron, told reporters late Tuesday after returning with his crew to Guam.
“We can reach out and touch people if we need to,” he said in a telephone interview. . . .
. . . Carpenter added that he and his crew would be ready to launch another mission—if directed—just 12 hours after completion of the first mission . . .
“Where if your enemy
fights with intensity he will
survive but if not he will
perish, it is called
‘fatal terrain.’
On fatal terrain,
always engage in battle.”
—SUN-TZU, Chinese military theoretician, from his essays The Art of War
Contents
PROLOGUE
CHAPTER ONE
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
CHAPTER FIVE
CHAPTER SIX
CHAPTER SEVEN
EPILOGUE
PROLOGUE
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY HALL, GOVERNMENT HOUSE,
TAIPEI, REPUBLIC OF CHINA SUNDAY, 18 MAY 1997, 1900 HOURS LOCAL (17 MAY, 0700 HOURS ET)
The fistfight broke out as suddenly as a thunderclap. Several men and women leaped over seats to clutch at those who dared disagree with them or support another side over theirs. Railings and seats were used as ladders to try to get at one another, and the entire crowd seemed to surge forward like a pack of wolves on the attack.
The scene resembled an unruly crowd at a World Cup soccer match, or a riot in South Central—but this was a special session of the National Assembly of the government of the Republic of China on Taiwan.
The president pro tem of the National Assembly hammered his gavel, trying to restore order. He glanced over at the national guard troops peeking through the window in the back of the chamber, ready to burst in if necessary. He heard breaking glass and almost hit the panic button, but stayed calm and watched nervously as the noisy politicians surged forward. It took nearly thirty minutes to restore some level of calm, and another ten minutes for the legislators to clear the aisles enough so the National Police could escort the president of the Republic of China, Lee Teng-hui, to the podium.
“My fellow citizens, your attention, please. I am pleased to announce the results of the ratification vote of the Legislative Branch, which was taken just a few hours ago,” President Lee began. “By a vote of two hundred seventy-one for, thirty against, three abstaining, Mr. Huang Chou- ming is hereby approved by the people of the Republic of Taiwan to serve as vice president and premier. Mr. Huang, step forward, please.”
Amid renewed cheering and yelling, mostly from the left side of the hall, the new premier of the Republic of China stepped up to the dais and accepted the green-and-gold sash of office. Huang was a major figure in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and his election to the number-two position in the Taiwanese government was significant—it was the first major advance of a non-Kuomintang (KMT) Party member in the country’s short history. Although the Kuomintang still held a solid majority in all branches of the Taiwanese government, the advancement of the DPP was a major shift from nearly fifty years of KMT philosophy and control.
The shouting, cheering, celebrations, and accusations suddenly and violently turned into another brawl on the floor of the National Assembly. While bodyguards surrounded the president and vice president, members of Taiwan’s National Assembly ran up and down the aisles, stood on desks, and screamed at each other; several members were up on the dais near the president, fighting with one another to decide who would speak with the president first. Members of the National Police Administration, charged with the protection of government buildings and property and who acted as security guards in the National Assembly chamber, had moved into the chamber itself and stood stock-still along the outer aisles of the Assembly chamber, long cane batons nearly invisible at their sides and tear-gas canisters safely tucked away inside their tunics. They did nothing but watch with stone-expressionless faces while the fights and bedlam raged all around them.
“My fellow citizens,” President Lee tried. His voice, even amplified, was barely heard. He waited patiently for any sign that the near-riot was subsiding. He heard clothing rip just a few paces away from him—the fight had somehow moved up to the dais, where police were trying to keep Assembly members from reaching the president and new premier— and decided that he needed to wait a few moments longer. He had a pistol tucked away in a holster inside his pants at the small of his back, and Lee considered firing a shot in the air to get everyone’s attention, but quickly decided that a gunshot might just make this place explode.
The Taiwanese National Assembly was composed of members elected for life. Since most of the membership had been elected to their post in 1948, prior to the Communist overthrow of the Nationalist Party on the mainland, there were some very old gentlemen here in the Assembly Hall. But the old goats, Lee noticed, were arguing and fighting just as hard as the more newly elected members—they just had less endurance. The hall was splitting into two distinct sections, a normal and common occurrence here in the National Assembly. The largest group was the Kuomintang, along with their nominal allies the New Party, the Young China Party, and the Chinese Democratic Socialist Party. On the other side were the members of the Democratic Progressive Party, a more liberal and modern-thinking political party filled with young, energetic, rather idealistic members. Although the right side of the hall, filled with KMT members and supporters, was much larger, both sides were equally boisterous.
“My fellow citizens, please,” Lee tried again. When he realized there was no response to his pleas, Lee finally ordered the police to step in. Order was quickly restored. “Thank you. We will now proceed with the main piece of business on tonight’s agenda.” Huang respectfully stepped behind and to Lee’s right; this simple action got the Assembly’s attention right away, and the chamber quieted. Lee quickly continued: “This election also signals a unity of purpose and policy within our government, my friends, a union between rival patriotic groups that has been much too long in the making. Our newfound coalition between the KMT and DPP forms the basis of our pride in our accomplishments and our standing in the world community. It is time for our unity, our pride, to be brought forth upon the world for all to see.”
President Lee let the loud applause continue for a few long moments; then: “With humble pride and great joy, Premier Huang and I hereby bring to the floor of the National Assembly a bill, drafted by the Central Standing Committee of the Kuomintang, amended by the Legislative Yuan Major Constitutional Committee, and passed this date unanimously by the Legislative Branch, to amend the constitution of the Republic of China. It is now up to us to ratify this constitutional amendment.
“The bill amends the constitution by proclaiming that the Republic of China, including the island archipelagoes of Formosa, Quemoy, Matsu, Makung, Taiping, and Tiaoyutai, is now and forever shall be a separate, sovereign, and independent nation, subordinate or component to none. The people of the Republic of China hereby renounce all allegiance and ties to land, title, property, legal claims, and jurisdiction to the mainland. Our prayers will always be that we are someday reunited with our motherland, but until that day comes, we hereby proclaim that the Republic of China is a separate nation, with all the rights and responsibilities of free and sovereign nations anywhere in the world. The bill is hereby submitted for a vote. May I please have a second?”
“I proudly second the motion,” the new premier, Huang Chou-ming, shouted, which lifted the applause to a new, outrageous level. Huang and the DPP had been fighting for
such a declaration of independence for many years, and their victory in getting this legislation passed and onto the Assembly floor was the most significant event in the history of the Nationalist Chinese.
The introduction of this bill meant that the Kuomintang s basic philosophy of one China, introduced by Dr. Sun Yat-sen as he and Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek fought to liberate China from the grasp of the Japanese empire after World Wars I and II, and proclaimed ever since the Nationalists were pushed off the mainland to the island of Taiwan by the Communists in 1949, was effectively dead. There had always been a hope that the Nationalists could somehow liberate the mainland from the dark clutches of communism, now the government and the people were saying that hope was moot. Mainland China could someday join in the prosperity and power of the Republic of China—but until then, Taiwan was in control of its own destiny.
The cheering in the Assembly hall was deafening; the applause and demonstrations in the aisles lasted for nearly ten minutes. There was still a small group of KMT members opposed to the amendment, and they tried to start another fight on the Assembly floor, but their anger and outrage could not undo years of Lee’s gentle persuasiveness and coalitionbuilding efforts.
But it was more than releasing an improbable dream. It was an assertion, a declaration to the world, and especially to the gargantuan presence known as the Peoples Republic of China, that the Republic of China on Taiwan was taking its rightful place on the world stage. Taiwan was no longer a breakaway republic of China; the ROC was no longer a rebel government. It had the strongest economy in Asia, the ninth-largest economy on the planet, and the largest deposits of foreign currencies in the world. Now it was a sovereign nation. No one was going to take any of that away from them.
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