America was back in the Cold War game, and almost no one, either in the United States or elsewhere, liked the idea.
“My intentions are simple, Senator,” the President responded. “I’m going to support President Lee and the Republic of China against President Jiang and mainland China’s military aggression. The reactivation of the Triad nuclear forces remains in effect, as well, especially given the cowardly attack on the Independence, the Chinese nuclear attacks against the Republic of China, and the sudden nuclear attack in North Korea and the volatile situation there. The capture of our sub by Iran doesn’t change things one bit—in fact, it makes me even angrier and more positive that I’m doing the right thing.”
“By what treaty or force of law can you do this, Mr. President?” Fine- gold asked. “The Taiwan Relations Act does not authorize you to defend Chinese Taipei; it is not a member of ASEAN or any other alliance of which America is an ally. ”
“Senator, I don’t need a treaty or membership in an alliance to make a commitment to a friendly, peaceful, democratic nation,” the President said. “I’ve pledged my support, because I don’t think that China or anyone else has a right to impose its will by force on another country.”
“Mr. President, my legal experts, as well as several think tanks we’ve commissioned, not to mention the Congressional General Accounting Office itself, have all taken a position that in a legal sense, Chinese Taipei is not a separate nation but in fact a province of China, as Beijing has asserted since 1949,” Finegold said. “As I see it, that’s the only logical conclusion that can be made. The Nationalist government fled the mainland and established a rebel government on the island of Formosa, which was Chinese territory recently returned to China from Japanese occupation. The Nationalists were nothing more than a deposed government.
“The fact that the United States supported the Nationalists’ goal of someday retaking control of the mainland government, or that the Nationalists occupied the seat in the United Nations, doesn’t alter the facts,” Finegold went on. “The government in Beijing is the lawful and legitimate government of all the Chinese people, a fact which has been recognized by the United States since 1972 and by most of the rest of the world; and the Nationalist government is not the legitimate government, and therefore has no right to declare independence or ask for assistance from anyone, especially the United States of America. The conflict between China and Taipei is an internal matter, and therefore we have no responsibility to risk American lives or threaten the peace of the world by getting involved militarily in that conflict.”
“Do you really believe this nonsense, Senator?” the President asked scornfully. “Can you seriously look at those two countries and then tell me that you truly believe that the Republic of China is nothing more than a deposed government living on an isolated province?”
“Mr. President, what I believe is that Chinese Taipei is running out kicking mainland China in the shins, then running behind the United States’ skirts—and we get the bloody nose from it,” Finegold said. “Taipei is not an innocent victim here. As long as they continue to illegally declare independence and try to instigate nuclear conflicts, they are dangerous. What purpose do you have for backing them?”
“The Republic of China meets the traditional benchmarks that the United States has applied to any nation seeking assistance in the last sixty years,” Secretary of State Jeffrey Hartman interjected. “We require the new nation to have formed a pluralistic, democratic government with a written constitution, based on free, open, and regular elections with universal suffrage; we require a formal exchange of credentialed ambassadors; we require the new nation to provide for the common good, the common defense, and provide free and open access to its markets and communication between its people and the rest of the world; we require that the new nation apply for membership in the United Nations; and we require that the new nation openly and publicly ask for our assistance. The Republic of China has met each and every one of these criteria, Senator.”
“In fact, Senator,” Vice President Ellen Whiting interjected, “Taiwan has met more of these five traditional criteria than other nations that you have supported in the past have done, such as Bosnia, Kurdistan, and East Timor. Taiwan has proven to be a strong and true friend to the United States.”
“One that apparently is taking advantage of this friendship to attack mainland China, oblivious to threat of global nuclear war,” House Minority Leader Crane argued. He now saw his role in this debate as Barbara Finegold’s defender.
“I seriously doubt that Taiwan is oblivious to the nuclear threat, Mr. Crane,” Secretary of Defense Arthur Chastain pointed out, “since it has just recently been devastated with nuclear attacks three times as severe as Japan ever endured.”
“I didn’t mean that Chinese Taipei hasn’t been hurt by recent attacks by China, and I certainly don’t mean to blame the dead,” Crane said. “But it was Taipei’s aggression that started this entire series of conflicts.”
“My intelligence information suggests otherwise, Mr. Crane,” the President said. “China was, and still is, in position to invade the island of Quemoy—there’s no doubt about this. Taiwan was acting in selfdefense when the attack first started on the Chinese aircraft carrier. The other incidents involved a carefully calculated string of actions by China to make it appear that Taiwan was the aggressor, when in fact it was China all along. ”
“Of course, I’ve heard this one from your advisor’s press briefs— China attacked its own carrier with torpedoes, China put transmitters on its own ferryboat to make us think it was a warship, China planted a nuclear device on the Independence, and China even shot a nuclear missile at its own ally, North Korea, to make us think that the United States or South Korea or some other boogeyman was diverting attention away from China by starting another war. ”
“Those are the facts, Mr. Crane,” National Security Advisor Freeman cut in.
“There’s plenty of doubt about your so-called facts, General Freeman,” Crane argued hotly. “But I have plenty of questions about the role that secret B-52 bomber played in igniting the conflict! I think that’s the question facing us this afternoon, Mr. Martindale!”
“I suggest you calm down and be careful how you address the President, Mr. Crane,” Jerrod Hale cut in.
“Relax, everyone, relax,” Finegold said, holding up her long, slender fingers to both Crane and Hale. “We’re not here to accuse or make demands.” She allowed a few moments of silence in the room; then: “Mr. President, we in the Congress want to get behind you in this—”
“The House is one hundred percent behind the President already,” House Majority Leader Nicholas Gant interjected, “and there seems to be a floor fight brewing concerning your blatant, public criticism of the President. Whatever disharmony is present on the Hill is from your media tirades, Senator Finegold!”
“We realize the tremendous pressure you’re under, and we want nothing more than to show a united front to China and the rest of the world,” Finegold went on, ignoring Gant’s comments. “You are the nation’s chief diplomat, but you should not operate in a foreign-affairs vacuum. Give me something positive I can take back to the Hill, something that shows we have room to compromise, something that shows we’re not being intractable and demanding.”
“I made a decision, and I’m sticking with it, Senator,” the President said. “It might not be comfortable or popular, but I’ve got no choice. I’m counting on Congress’s support, but I’m prepared to continue on without it.”
“Mr. President, the financial markets are collapsing, the price of oil is nearly at a record high, and our allies are in a panic about whether or not you’re leading them to the brink of World War Three,” Crane said. “You’ve suddenly got nuclear missiles and stealth bombers all over the place, threatening a nuclear showdown with China. With Hong Kong and Macau rejoining the PRC, China is one of the world’s richest countries and America’s largest trading partner by far. You may have alread
y destroyed any chance we had of normalizing relations and expanding trade with China. If there is any chance of salvaging some ties with China, you’ve got to reverse this deadly course you’ve set us on.”
“You’re suggesting we sell out Taiwan, Mr. Crane?” the President asked. “Do you think it would be a good idea to simply abandon them now? ”
“You don’t have any choice, Mr. President—unless you’re ready and willing to fight China, economically and militarily, and risk a nuclear war,” Crane responded. “According to the news reports, China is apparently ready to start the occupation of Nationalist Taipei by invading Quemoy and Matsu Islands with four hundred thousand troops. We can’t stop that many Chinese troops from moving forward.
“Face reality, Mr. President—the island of Formosa and the Nationalist army have been blasted to hell, South Korea is on alert for its own invasion from the north and is under its own nuclear threat, Iran is threatening to close the Strait of Hormuz again because they caught us with our hands in the cookie jar, and Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and the Philippines won’t let U.S. troops stage combat operations from their islands,” Crane went on hotly. “And even if they did, it would take months to put together an invasion force, and they’d be under constant threat from Chinese air and rocket assaults. The death toll would be enormous. And then if China decided to mobilize its entire army? That’s nearly two million active-duty soldiers, and almost two hundred million reservists, paramilitary, border guards, militia, and national police.
“You have got to think of something else, Mr. President! There’s no way you can win! You’ve lost any tactical advantage we ever had. The only way to dislodge China’s troops and stop them from reoccupying Taiwan is to use nuclear weapons, and we in Congress, on both sides of the aisle, will not support such a move. And we’re willing to make that a public statement.”
“The President of the United States does not respond to threats or blackmail, Mr. Crane,” Vice President Whiting said angrily. “Not from the Chinese, not from the Iranians, not from the North Koreans—and not from a U.S. congressman.”
“No one is threatening anyone here, Madame Vice President,” Barbara Finegold said. She decided to use a bit gentler approach in trying to reach the President: “Mr. President, the Chinese government’s suggestion is rational and logical, and it’s in the best interests of the United States of America.” Martindale made an exasperated “here we go again” expression, but Finegold went on quickly: “Mr. President, if China unites with Taiwan, the industrial and financial nation that results will be the largest potential marketplace ever conceived on this planet. Nearly a billion customers, many of whom are still living in turn-of-the-century conditions. Think of the investment needed to bring those people up to Western living standards.”
“So you’re concerned about the money aspect of a conflict with China,” the President said.
“Of course I’m concerned about the financial aspect, and so are you,” Finegold said, stepping a bit closer to Martindale as she spoke, letting the language of her body speak to the most powerful man on planet Earth as much as her words. “We’re concerned with whatever it takes to make America grow and prosper, and one of the largest untapped resources in the world that we need to exploit is China, especially a strong, capitalist-leaning China united with Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan.
“Mr. President, you know, and I know, that China will become the next United States of America in terms of its economic and industrial strength,” Finegold went on. “China is where America was three generations ago—mostly agrarian but becoming more urban, isolationalist, suspicious of all foreigners, but expanding rapidly and embracing change, as innovation and new ideas sweep across the frontier. China will not be ruled by warlords forever. We must stake our position to steer China in a direction that’s right for them and right for America. You want to be instrumental in shaping China to meet America’s needs. We cannot allow China to become isolated.”
“Barbara, I agree with your sentiment...” the President began.
“Then stop this saber-rattling,” Finegold said, her bright eyes locking tightly onto his. “Be the peacemaker, be the visionary. Let us join forces, Kevin. You and me. We can take control of this situation together. ” She knew she had far overstepped her bounds by calling the President by his first name, but her powers of personal seduction were one of her formidable strengths, and she was determined to use them—even here, in the Oval Office, with her adversary surrounded by his generals and chiefs, a place where she had almost no leverage at all.
“First, keep the carriers and the fighters away from China,” Finegold went on. “Their very presence is destabilizing and a direct threat to China. Besides, we’ve proven that we can’t keep our carriers safe from saboteurs. If the carriers aren’t within striking distance, China won’t feel as if they need to use nuclear weapons to counterbalance the threat.”
“I’ve already ordered that the George Washington and the Carl Vinson stay in the Pacific for the time being,” the President said. “Our fighters based in South Korea, Japan, and Alaska are committed to the defense of South Korea right now. They’re not a threat to China.”
“Very good,” Finegold said. “Second, keep the long-range bombers out of the fight. Admiral Balboa has explained to me that the bombers are all on nuclear ground alert. I don’t agree with the decision to put nuclear weapons on them, but keeping them on the ground in the United States is the best option.” The President merely nodded, casting an irritated glance at Balboa. So he had continued to talk with Finegold, he thought.
“Thirdly, agree to make a statement saying that we support eventual reunification. You don’t have to mention or reverse your statement supporting Chinese Taipei’s independence—the press reports say that Lee Teng-hui’s government won’t survive for long anyway, that they’ve all fled the country. If the Nationalists can’t survive, how can you be expected to support them?”
“The facts don’t agree with your sentiment, Senator,” the President said firmly. “First of all, we have no independent confirmation that President Lee has fled the country and his government has collapsed, and I am not going to abandon him at his greatest hour of need.” Finegold heard how Martindale said the word “Senator” instead of “Barbara,” and she could feel their intimate connection breaking down—she realized that the President was made of sterner stuff than she had ever given him credit for. He stepped back from her, reincluding the others in their conversation as he went on: “Second, it’s obvious that China is not willing to peaceably wait a hundred years for Taiwan to join them—they are not willing to wait a hundred days, or even a hundred hours. Their uninhibited use of nuclear weapons proves that.”
“China pledges to cease all military attacks and withdraw its troops from disputed territory.”
“That’s not what Foreign Minister Qian said, Senator,” Secretary of State Hartman said. “China promised to stop all nuclear attacks and withdraw troops as soon as it is safe to do so. That’s not the same as a military withdrawal.”
“You’re mincing words, Mr. Secretary,” Finegold said. She watched the President relax, allowing his advisor’s words to surround him like a stone wall. The spell was now broken, Finegold realized—they were back to being adversaries again. So be it. “What it means to me is that we’ll stop the nuclear threat, and that’s what’s important here.” She turned to the President again. She had tried to use reason and logic, tried to use a little vainglory, and tried a little sweetness—and failed. Now she had to try the direct approach, in none-too-subtle earnest: “It is very important that you carefully consider this opportunity to make peace with the Chinese, Mr. President.”
The President turned toward Finegold, both curled locks of silver hair suddenly, angrily visible now on his forehead. Jerrod Hale uncrossed his arms, his body stiff with anticipation; at that same instant, Philip Freeman shut off and checked his pen-size pager in his jacket pocket, cleared his throat, and stood to use the phon
e on the President’s desk. Both men’s actions did nothing to relieve the thick tension that had just invaded the Oval Office. “Excuse me, Senator, but that sounded like a threat to me,” he said.
“It’s not a threat, Mr. President,” Barbara Finegold said. “But there have been . . . rumblings, from certain important government quarters, that cast some doubt on your legal and ethical motivations in this crisis, beginning with the Persian Gulf conflict—”
“No doubt bolstered by your Senate hearings and your statements in the press,” Nicholas Gant interjected.
“We are not going to tolerate intimidation or political blackmail, Senator,” Vice President Whiting said angrily. “Your attacks on the President are nothing more than partisan politics, taking advantage of the crisis in Asia to further your own political agenda. The American people don’t buy it.”
“My political agenda is not the topic of discussion, Mrs. Whiting— its the President’s I’m worried about,” Finegold said bitterly. “I’m worried that the President will sacrifice the lives of more brave soldiers and sailors just to try to show who’s the cock of the roost! ”
“That is enough, Senator! ” Jerrod Hale exploded. “You are way out of line!”
“Hold on, Jerrod, hold on,” the President said after listening to the message Philip Freeman had just whispered in his ear. “I’ve just been informed that an attack is under way against mainland China. An air raid has severely crippled the Chinese armies that were poised to invade Quemoy Island.”
“An attack? Air raids?” Finegold sputtered. “Excuse me, Mr. President, but we’ve been sitting here listening to you explain how you’ve got things under control, that you’re not trying to stir up a military free-for- all in three different regions of the world, that the capture of our sub by Iran was nothing more than a cat-and-mouse game gone awry—and now you tell us that you’ve staged a sneak attack on the Chinese army? ”
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