Lindsay Powell
Memorial Day
May 2010
Austin, Texas
Augustus … extolled him in a speech to the people, to that degree, that he prayed the gods “to make his Caesars like him, and to grant himself as honourable an exit out of this world as they had given him”.
Augustus’ eulogy at the funeral of Nero Claudius Drusus
reported by Suetonius in Lives of the Caesars, Claudius 1.5.
Chapter 1
Drusus the Youth
38–18 BCE
A Question of Paternity
Three months before the baby emerged naked, kicking and bawling into the world, rumours were rife about its parentage. People openly speculated that the child was not the fruit of the union of Ti. Claudius Nero and his wife Livia Drusilla, who, moreover were cousins.1Chatterboxes delighted in spreading slanderous gossip that the father was in fact G. Iulius Caesar Octavianus (plate 1), the adopted heir and avenger of the great dictator. Certainly Octavianus had been courting Livia for months and he did not refute the allegation. In fact he positively sought the attention. The adopted son of Caesar laid on a lavish rite-of-passage celebration, quite possibly on his birthday on 23 September 39 BCE, to mark the shaving of his beard in a ceremony called depositio barbae. At 25 years old he had long since come of age but with the ceremony he was making a public declaration that he “was already falling in love with Livia,” writes the Roman historian Cassius Dio, and by presenting a smooth chin he clearly wanted to look his best for her.2
Livia Drusilla (Stemma Drusorum no. 9) was a formidable catch. At around 19 years of age, she was physically beautiful and sexually attractive to Octavianus who was a man infatuated by beautiful women and reputed to have a high sex drive (cupidine formae).3The sources refer to Livia’s beauty (forma) and surviving portraits of her (plate 2) at different ages indeed show a finely proportioned face, full cheeks, long narrow nose, large eyes, small lips and coiffured hair in the restrained late ‘Republican style’. She also offered a suitor a powerful network of connections, which in Roman society defined the person socially and politically. As a member of the ancient Claudian clan (gens Claudia) a union with Livia brought prestige and nobility to a man of lesser status. Octavianus was regarded by members of the Roman élite as an upstart and as someone who had bought his position and influence. He had much to gain from a union with the young Livia and decided to marry her.
It was not a kind age to respectable Roman women. M. Antonius was in Egypt cavorting with Queen Kleopatra even as his wife, Octavia (Octavianus’ sister), was in Rome carrying his second child. Meanwhile Octavianus had been illicitly meeting Livia while he was still married to Scribonia, daughter of L. Scribonius Libo. In the shifting quicksand of Roman political family ties, a marriage could seem like a good idea at the time. Antonius had married Octavia in 40 BCE to bind his family closer to his colleague Octavianus in a moment of reconciliation following one of their frequent quarrels. Octavianus had married Scribonia in the same year to align his political interests more closely to those of Sex. Pompeius, whose fleets controlled the seas around Italy. Ironically Scribonia may even have introduced Livia to Octavianus. She was herself descended from a reputable and powerful family line, but complained of her rival’s excessive power.4Ten years or so older than Octavianus, Scribonia was also pregnant at the same time with his child. Divorce carried no stigma in Roman times, however, out of respect, Octavianus waited for his daughter Iulia to be born. Then later the same day he made arrangements for the divorce.5
Livia now filed her divorce from her husband. If he was outraged Livia’s soon-to-be former husband Ti. Claudius Nero (probably the son of the man of the same name, Stemma Claudiorum no. 7) kept it to himself. He agreed to the divorce at Octavianus’ request and without contest.6The statesman and orator M. Tullius Cicero describes Nero as the sort of man who was effusive and over eager to show gratitude in return for a favour. Indeed, the Roman historian Velleius Paterculus infers an active role for the ex-husband in the ensuing betrothal ceremony, while Cassius Dio says Nero officiated at it, acting as a father would by offering his daughter’s hand with his blessing.7In one account, the engagement party, in equal measures a formal dinner and a burlesque, was a raucous and bawdy affair. As was fashionable at the time, pretty naked slave boys (delicia) made witty comments in risqué language directed at the guests. One delicia saw his moment to launch his humorous barb when he noticed Livia and Octavianus laying beside each other on the dining couch and Nero laying alongside a male guest on another. “What are you doing there, domina?” asked the naked jester. Pointing at Ti. Claudius Nero, he exclaimed, “your husband is over here!”8
The couple may have announced their engagement later in September or October that year. However, for a man to marry so quickly after a divorce while the bride-to-be was still heavy with child was seen as indecently hasty and potentially illegal. Octavianus consulted the collegium pontificum, the authorities responsible for the state cult. Their duties included determining the dates of festivals and whether one day was lucky or unlucky (dies fasti, dies nefasti) for conducting legal business. They were also present at the most solemn form of marriage ceremony known as the confarreatio.9The Twelve Tables of Roman Law were not clear on the matter of whether a free-born woman could remarry while pregnant when the male partner was still alive. It was a clear cut affirmative if the husband had died and a period of mourning of ten months had been allowed, but Nero was very definitely in rude health. The matter led many to question whether Octavianus or Nero was the actual father of the as yet unborn baby. Behind some of the gossip-mongering were sympathizers and supporters of M. Antonius, with whom Octavianus’ relations were increasingly strained, and who sought to make life difficult for his rival. The pontifices pronounced that if there was any doubt about the conception, the marriage must be postponed, but if the conception was confirmed, the marriage could proceed. The collegium considered the evidence. Livia had been away from Rome with Nero for most of 39 BCE and did not return until the summer, so Octavianus could not be the father. The paternity of the baby was confirmed and the pontifices blessed the engagement. Nevertheless, the affair gave rise to a witty epigram that
Nine months for common births the fates decree;
But, for the great, reduce the term to three.10
Pregnant Livia moved into her new fiancée’s house on the Palatine Hill. She brought with her a four-year old son, bearing the same name as his father, Ti. Claudius Nero (Stemma Drusorum no. 12, plate 3). He did not have long to wait for a sibling, for on a cold Roman winter’s day, on Ides (13th) January 38 BCE, a baby boy was born (Stemma Drusorum no. 11).11Childbirth was a relatively public affair in which the midwife, not a doctor, performed the delivery with several female relatives attending, and the mother gave birth in the upright position in a special chair. The husband or male guests were never present. The newborn baby was swaddled and quickly handed to a wet nurse (nutrix) to take care of him. Hardly had she given birth than Livia had to turn her mind to her upcoming marriage with Octavianus. It is a hallmark of Livia Drusilla’s toughness that she was able to go through the marriage ceremony as a Roman bride so soon. Three days later, the couple were married in the traditional sacred rite of the confarreatio with all of its pomp and ceremony.
Under Roman law the child of a marriage belonged to the father (paterfamilias) and after divorce, remained in the household of the father. As the father was Nero, Octavianus immediately passed the new boy back into his care. The paterfamilias, however, had the right to deny life to a newborn by exposure. It was a way of limiting family numbers and fragmenting the family estate, since all children inherited equal shares. Nine days after the child’s birth, on 25 January, a purification ceremony called the lustratio was held. The baby was not exposed and Nero accepted his new boy proudly and with open arms. He gave him his new name: Decimus Claudius Drusus.
Lessons from the Claudian Family Tree
The two Claudius
brothers, Tiberius and Decimus, now stayed with their natural father, who had absolute right of control of his children in law (patria potestas), but were probably under the watchful eye and active involvement of their mother who lived nearby in a house on the Palatine Hill. It was a father’s duty to educate his sons. Like all children of every age, much of their early learning was through supervised play, probably in the care of slaves or freedmen. Roman boys had many toys to play with: hobby-horses, hoops and tops, bricks with which to build toy houses, and wooden swords. They also played games with nuts and counters, or tossed coins, shouting ‘Heads’ or ‘Ships’, recalling the early images on the obverses and reverses of Rome’s early coinage.12
A Roman boy received his formal education from the age of six or seven. Unlike Alexander the Great, for whom his father King Philip of Macedon procured the services of the renowned philosopher and scientist Aristotle, the two Claudius brothers likely had a more humble schooling at home under their father’s supervision. He may have employed a litterator, an educated slave or freedman or Greek for the more tedious parts of their training. Rote learning was the norm for Roman students, who were required to learn to read and write by copying passages, for example of Homer in Latin or Greek, and the rudiments of arithmetic.
An upbringing at the Nero household involved learning about their Claudian ancestors and how each had lived his life in accordance with the Roman virtues. The Romans put great store in their system of values that defined a man’s character and underpinned his participation in society. The private citizen was expected to live by a personal code of ethics, among which were clementia, the virtue of mercy; dignitas, the virtue of taking pride in oneself; firmitas, the virtue of tenacity or strength of mind; frugalitas, living the simple life without being miserly; gravitas, the sense of seriousness and responsibility with which one approaches an issue; honestas, projecting a respectable image in society; industria, the value of working hard; pietas, the respect for the natural order of things including loyalty to one’s country; prudentia, the foresight and wisdom gained from personal experience or that of others; salubritas, the belief in wholesomeness and cleanliness; severitas, the virtue of self control; and veritas, the belief in the value of truth over falsehood.
Citizens were also expected to live up to a set of public virtues among which were aequitas, the belief that acting fairly within government and with the people was right; fides, that a man should act in good faith in all dealings; iustitia, that citizens should expect justice through fair laws and treatment before them; libertas, the basic shared belief in freedom for all citizens; nobilitas, that a Roman should strive for excellence in all he did; and virtus, that a man should display courage, manliness, in difficult times and when facing difficult decisions – it is the root of the English word ‘virtue’.
M. Tullius Cicero had written in a letter of reference for Nero, then probably in his thirties, that in his opinion there was no one among the noble families whom he regarded more highly than him, adding “he is the most grateful fellow in the world”.13Cicero gave an early assessment of him as “a young man of high birth, genius and disinterested conduct”, urging one of his politically connected friends to “advance Nero in all possible ways”, adding “with the man himself you will have made a splendid investment of your kindness”.14Nero’s virtues, however, were those of being an optimist and a maverick. Despite being of such a noble lineage, when it came to making important life-changing choices he had the knack of choosing the wrong side. In 54 BCE he beat M. Antonius’ brother to be the prosecutor at the impeachment trial of A. Gabinius, the governor of Syria who had overseen an incompetent and corrupt provincial administration – and lost the case. In 50 BCE he sought the hand of Cicero’s daughter Tullia in marriage. Cicero had approved of his suit but not yet committed as he was away in Cilicia acting as governor. When he returned home he found his wife had betrothed Tullia to another.15Alas, it was too late for Nero. In 48 BCE Nero threw his weight behind G. Iulius Caesar, the rising star in Roman politics. He was appointed quaestor and commanded the fleet at Alexandria, and for his services he was assigned a senior priesthood in place of P. Cornelius Scipio.16In 46 BCE Caesar authorized him to establish colonies in Gallia Narbonensis, and Arelate (Arles) and Narbo (Narbonne) owed their foundation to him. When Caesar was assassinated, however, Nero made a succession of bad choices. He switched to the side of the assassins and even proposed special honours for them. When the ‘liberators’’ fortunes began to wane, he switched sides again and backed M. Antonius of the new triumvirate – the legal cartel of three men that officially ruled the Roman state comprising Antonius, M. Aemilius Lepidus and Octavianus.
In 42 BCE Nero was elected praetor, but refused to step down at the end of his term when a dispute broke out among the members of the triumvirate – and in doing so broke the law. In 40 BCE, after the assassins were defeated at Philippi, Octavianus began confiscating lands in Italy to repatriate his retiring veteran legionaries. Antonius’ brother and sister became champions for the dispossessed Italians and tried to foment rebellion against Octavianus. Nero chose to support the cause and moved his wife Livia and their young son to Perusia where the main opposition was to take place. However, Perusia fell and Tiberius and his family just managed to escape first to Praeneste, before arriving at Neapolis, where a slave revolt was being planned. That too collapsed in the face of Octavianus’ forces and Nero managed yet another daring escape, this time to Sicily. There he hoped to find a welcome from Sex. Pompeius, the brother in law of M. Libo, but he was disappointed. Nero and his family were ordered to pack their bags and they planned to head east to join M. Antonius. They found temporary assistance with one of Livia’s distant family members, L. Scribonius Libo, and the group sailed to Athens. Hardly had they landed when Antonius, who wanted nothing to do with Nero, quickly dispatched him and his family to Sparta where the Claudii still had supporters. They were pleased to enjoy the locals’ hospitality but had to escape from there too for reasons that have not come down to us.
When Antonius and Octavianus came to an accord and signed the Peace Treaty of Brundisium, and a short while later signed the Treaty of Misenum in 39 BCE with Sex. Pompeius, an amnesty was granted to those who had sided with him. Nero and his young family could finally return home to Rome. They may, however, have discovered upon arrival in the city that as a result of the Treaty of Misenum their house on the Palatine Hill had been confiscated because they were proscribed or marked as opponents, rather than fleeing Italy for their safety.17The adventure lasting more than a year was a humiliating experience.
Nero played no further role in public life and with time on his hands likely spent it with his two boys. There is nothing in the Roman literature to suggest what kind of father he was, but his sons appear to have respected him. Their time together was short. In 33 BCE, Nero unexpectedly died. His eldest son Tiberius was left to pronounce the public funeral oration at the public speakers’ rostrum in the Forum Romanum.18No record of what he said survives. When he was older, however, he would mark his father’s memory with gladiatorial games (munus).19
At about this time Drusus changed his praenomen from Decimus to Nero but the literature does not indicate when.20It is possible that he did so directly following the death of his father. By taking Nero as his first name he may have been preserving and celebrating the memory of his father.21There is an alternative explanation. The word nero in the ancient Sabine language once spoken in the region around Rome meant ‘strong and valiant’.22It was a good name for a boy descended from such a distinguished clan. From that moment on he was known as Nero Claudius Drusus.
The two boys – Tiberius now nine years old and Drusus five – moved into their mother’s house on the Palatine Hill. In the late first century BCE the Palatine, a hill rising some 40 metres to the south of the Forum Romanum, was the ‘des res’ address of the rich and powerful. It was likely the house of the famed orator Q. Hortensius Hortalus, which had been obtained by Octavianus, that Livia
lived in since her wedding.23When the boys moved in to their new accommodation some of the property may have still been under construction. In 36 BCE, a lightning strike had hit the building. Priests declared this to be a sign that the gods required the site. Octavianus obliged, first making that part of the house a public space, which he consecrated to Apollo, the god to whom he ascribed his naval victory at Naulochus, and later redeveloping the site to build a temple to the god with a fine surrounding portico. The state compensated Octavianus with a new house.24The property was modest in size and decoration, but sympathetic to Octavianus’ laconic tastes.25Rooms were unadorned with marble decorations or pavements and the colonnades were of a hard grey volcanic rock called peperino. According to Suetonius, Octavianus used the same bedroom in this house for forty years.26What are generally believed to have been its foundations have been found on the south ridge of the hill, south of the Domus Tiberiana, between the Scalae Caci, the Temple of Apollo on the east and Temple of Magna Mater on the west side.
In this somewhat austere home Tiberius and Drusus received their classical education. During this higher-level education, they would be schooled in the art of eloquence by a grammaticus. For male members of Octavianus’ family expected to fully participate in government, this was a particularly important skill. Greek and Latin poems were the subject of study, and through them they learned astronomy, geography, social history, natural history, mythology and religion to fully understand the texts. Romans read not in silence but aloud. In reciting the works, the student learned to enunciate and pronounce words correctly and to read with feeling. Drusus would have been expected to learn passages by heart and to prepare spoken and written explanations of them.
T. Livius had not yet begun writing his ambitious From the Foundation of the City (Ab Urbe Condita) but there were several respected written annals and chronicles of the Romans that Drusus could have read. The Claudii on his father’s side figured prominently in Rome’s history and studying his illustrious ancestors’ lives and achievements would have been an essential part of Drusus’ education. It must have been a heady start for a young boy, at once inspiring and intimidating, to learn about the great men who had shaped the destiny of the nation and to know they were his own flesh and blood.
Eager for Glory Page 3